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Victoria  College,  B.A.  1889 

Harvard  University,  Ph.  D.  1895 

Professor  of  Comparative  Literature 

Harvard  University,  1906-20. 

Harvard  Exchange  P  rofessor  at 

University  of  Berlin,  1907 

Lecturer  at  the  Sorbonne  and 

University  of  Copenhagen,  1910. 

Harvard  Exchange  Professor  at 

Western  Colleges,  1918. 


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anir 


fararan 


PRINTED  FROM  FIVE  MANUSCRIPTS  : 


WITH 


Illustrations  from  tje  IBrojJtttt  f  itoatmt 


OF  THE  15TH  AND  16TH  CENTUKIES. 
EDITED,    WITH 

INTRODUCTION   AND   NOTES, 

BY 

JAMES  A.  H,  MURRAY,  LLD. 


LONDON : 

PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  EARLY  ENGLISH  TEXT  SOCIETY, 
BY  N.  TRUBNER  &  CO.,  57  &  59,  LUDGATE  HILL. 


MDCCCLXXV. 


PR 

H13 


no.UI 


40987 
22-J-37 


JOHN    CHILDS    AND    SON,    PRINTERS. 


PREFATORY   NOTE. 


.  IN  printing  the  complete  text  of  the  15th-century  "Romance  and  Prophecies 
of  Thomas  of  Erceldoune,"  with  lengthy  illustrations  from  the  prophetic  literature 
of  that  and  the  following  century,  it  seemed  desirable  to  give  in  the  Introduction 
a  summary  of  all  that  History,  Legend,  and  Tradition  have  to  tell  of  Thomas  and 
his  alleged  sayings.  Since  the  subject  was  taken  up  by  Mr  (afterwards  Sir) 
Walter  Scott  in  the  Minstrelsy  of  the  Scottish  Border,  it  has  been  touched  upon 
by  numerous  writers,  who  have  pointed  out  additional  historic  references,  discussed 
the  authenticity  of  the  works  attributed  to  the  Rhymer,  or  contributed  to  the 
Folk-lore  of  the  question  by  collecting  rhymes  and  traditions  associated  with  hi:? 
name.  The  present  Editor  begs  to  acknowledge  his  indebtedness  to  all  these  his 
predecessors,  of  whose  writings  he  has  made  free  use.  At  the  same  time  no  state- 
ment' has  been  taken  at  second  hand  which  was  capable  of  verification  by  original 
reference.  In  particular,  all  the  documentary  evidence  has  been  examined  afresh, 
and  the  quotations  from  MSS.  verified,  leading  in  some  cases  to  the  correction  of 
important  errors,  which  have  passed  current  from  writer  to  writer  for  seventy 
years.  The  inferences  which  the  Editor  has  drawn  from  these  data,  and  the 
theories  which  he  has  founded  upon  them,  are  of  course  his  own ;  as  is  the  view 
which  he  has  taken  of  the  origin  and  development  of  the  prophetic  literature 
generally.  He  has  also  given  an  independent  investigation  to  the  scenery  and 
locale  of  the  Romance,  in  which  he  has  been  zealously  assisted  by  the  local  re- 
searches of  his  friends,  Mr  Andrew  Currie  of  Darnick,  the  well-known  Sculptor 
and  Border  Antiquary,  and  T.  B.  Gray,  Esq.,  late  of  Hawkslie,  who  has  had  the 
good  fortune  to  seize  and  fix  an  almost  obliterated  local  tradition  of  the  site  of 
"  Huntlee  Bankis."  The  Editor  has  also  to  acknowledge  the  valued  kindness  and 
help  of  Henry  Bradshaw,  Esq.,  of  the  University  Library,  Cambridge,  both  during 
a  visit  to  that  Library  in  1874,  and  on  numerous  occasions  since;  of  the  Rev.  H. 
0.  Coxe,  M. A.,,  for  the  kindness  with  which  he  made  several  searches  among  the 
MSS.  in  the  Bodleian ;  and  of  the  Rev.  Dr  Bennett,  Chancellor  of  Lincoln,  for  his 
arrangements  to  facilitate  the  Editors  access  to  the  Thornton  MS.  in  1874. 


Vi  PREFATORY    NOTE. 

Acknowledgments  are  also  due  to  the  Rev.  W.  W.  Skeat,  for  many  a  timely 
service,  to  James  Tait,  Esq.,  of  the  Kelso  Chronicle,  and  Charles  Wilson,  Esq.,  of 
Rhymer's  Lands,  Earlstoun,  for  investigation  of  local  matters ;  and  to  the  Rev.  Dr 
R.  Morris,  F.  J.  Furnivall,  Esq.,  and  David  Laing,  Esq.,  LL.D.,  for  assistance  on 
special  points. 

The  following  works  touch  in  one  way  or  another  on  Thomas  and  his  prophecies  : 

Lord  Hailes  (David  Dalrymple).     Remarks  on  the  History  of  Scotland.     Edin., 

1773. 

John  Pinkerton.     Ancient  Scottish  Poems  never  before  in  print.     London,  1786. 
Sir  Walter  Scott.     The  Minstrelsy  of  the  Scottish  Border.     1st  Edition.     Kelso, 

1802.     (Reprinted,  London,  1869.) 
Sir  Walter  Scott.     The  Minstrelsy  of  the  Scottish  Border.     5th  Edition,  3  vols. 

Edin.,  1821. 
Sir  Walter  Scott.     Sir  Tristrem,  a  metrical  Romance  of  the  13th  century.   2nd  Ed. 

Edin.,  1806. 
Robert  Jamieson,  F.A.S.     Popular  Ballads  and  Songs  from  Tradition,  Manuscripts, 

and  scarce  editions.     Edin.,  1806. 
David  Laing,  LL.D.     Select  Remains  of  the  Early  Popular  Poetry  of  Scotland. 

Edin.,  1822. 
Thomas  Warton,  D.D.     The  History  of  English  Poetry.     (Edited  by  R.  Price, 

with  the  additional  Notes  of  Ritson,  Ashby,  Douce,  and  Park.)     London, 

1840. 
History  of  the  Berwickshire   Naturalist's    Club.     Part  for   1837   contains  "The 

Popular  Rhythmes  of  Berwickshire,"  by  Mr  Henderson;  Part  for  1866  con- 
tains "  Earlston,"  by  James  Tait,  Esq. 
J.  0.  Halliwell,  Esq.     Illustrations  of  the  Fairy  Mythology  of  "A  Midsummer 

Night's  Dream."     The  Shakespeare  Society.     London,  1845. 
Robert  Chambers,  LL.D.     The  Popular  Rhymes  of  Scotland.    3rd  Edition.    Edin., 

1858.     New  Edition,  much  enlarged;  London,  1870. 
David  Irving,  LL.D.     History  of  Scotish  Poetry.     Edin.,  1861. 
Professor  F.  J.  Child.     English  and  Scottish  Ballads.     London,  1861. 


After  research  has  done  its  utmost,  the  facts  as  to  Thomas  are  still  few  and 
scanty.  When  we  have  summed  them  all  up,  we  can  appropriately  adapt  the 
words  of  the  minstrel  who  first  told  his  tale,  and  like  him  conclude  : 

"  Of  '  man  or  woman  yet '  walde  I  here, 

That  couthe  mare  telle  of  swilke  ferly  ! 
Ihesu,  corounde  with  crowne  of  brere, 
Thow  brynge  us  to  thy  heuene  on  bye ! 

Amen." 
Hill  School,  Nov.  1875. 


Vll 


CONTENTS. 


FAtiH 


INTRODUCTION  (FOR  PLAN,  SEE  COMMENCEMENT)          .........  ix 

"  TRADITIONAL  "    BALLAD    OF   THOMAS   AND    THE    QUEENE    OF    FAERIE  ...  Ill 

DESCRIPTION    OF    THE   MSS.  AND    EDITIONS           ...             ...             ...             ...  Ivi 

COLLATION    OF   MSS  ......................  Ixiv 

NOTES    TEXTUAL    AND    EXPLANATORY      ...  ...  ...  ...  ... 


TOMAS  OFF  ERSSELDOUNE  : 

FYTTE    I  ........................  2 

FYTTE   II  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  18 

FYTTE    III  ..  ................  ......  32 

-.- 

APPENDIX  : 

i.  THE  [SCOTTISH]  PROPHECIE  OF  THOMAS  RYMOUR  (isis  —  1648)  ...         48 
ii.  THE  [ENGLISH]  "PROPHISIES  OF  RYMOUR,  BEID,  AND  MARLYNG" 

(1516  —  1525)  ............    »*     .........  52 

III.    ENGLISH  PROSE  PROPHECY  OF  GLADSMOOR,  SANDEFORD,  AND  SETON 

AND    THE    SEE    (l549)  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  62 


ix 


INTRODUCTION. 


1.  Documents  fixing  tlie  existence  and  date 

of  Thomas  of  Erceldoune    . . .         page  ix 

2.  His  family,  and  name          ...          ...      xi 

3.  Historical  (?)  notices  of  Thomas  person- 

ally ...         ...         ...          ...          ...    xiii 

4.  Thomas  as  a  prophet — early  citations  of 

Ills  prophecies         ...         ...          ...  xvii 

5.  Thomas  as  a  poet — testimony  of  Robert 

of  Brunne — Sir  Tristrein  ...          ...     xx 

6.  The  Romance  of  Thomas  and  the  Queen, 

Outline  of xxiii 

7.  Its  date  and  authorship      ...  xxiii 

8.  The  2nd  fytte  of  prophecies  historical — 

written  after  the  event      . . .  xxiv 

9.  The  3rd  fytte  of  prophecies  legendary — 

their  Arthurian  origin      ...  xxvii 

10.  Subsequent  prophetic  literature  connected 

with  Thomas  ...          ...  xxix 

11.  "  The  whole  prophecies  of  Scotland,  #c.," 

1603,  examined       xxx 


12.  Influence  of  TJiomas  the  Rymour  at  the 

Union,  1603  xl 

13.  Credit  during  the  Jacobite  risings — Lord 

Hailes         xli 

14.  English  Prophecies  attributed  to  TJiomas 

xlii 

15.  Local  traditions  of  the  Rymour  and  his 

prophecies  ...          ...          ...          ...  xliii 

16.  Eildon   Tree  and   Huntlee  Hanks ;    the 

"  Rhymer's  Glen"  ...          ...         ...        1 

17.  The  "traditional"  Ballad  of  TJiomas  and 

the  Queen Hi 


Description  of  the  MSS.  of  TJiomas  of  Ercel- 
doune ...          ...          ...          ...     Ivi 

Printed  editions  ...          ...          ...     Ixi 

Plan  of  the  present  Text  Ixii 

Collation  of  the  five  MSS.         Ixiv 


Notes  textual  and  explanatory 


Ixix 


1 ,  THOMAS  OF  ERCELDOUNE,  commonly  known  as  the  Ehymer,  occupies  a  more 
important  place  in  the  legendary  history  of  Scotland  than  in  the  authentic  annals, 
though  the  few  notices  of  him  which  occur  in  the  latter  are  sufficient  to  prove  his 
personality  and  to  fix  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  The  name  of  Thomas  Rymor  de 
Ercildune  occurs  along  with  Oliver,  Abbot  of  Dryburgh ;  "Willelm  de  Burudim ; 
Hugh  de  Peresby,  Viscount  of  Kokysburgh ;  and  Will,  de  Hattely,  as  witnessing 
a  deed  whereby  Petrus  de  Haga  de  Bemersyde  (on  the  Tweed)  binds  himself  and 
his  heirs  to  pay  half  a  stone  of  wax  (dimidiam  petram  cere)  annually  to  the  Abbot 
and  convent  of  Melrose,  for  the  chapel  of  Saint  Cuthbert  at  Old  Melros.1  This 

1  The  following  copy  of  Petrus  de  Haga's  Charter  is  taken  from  the  Cartulary  of  Melrose 
MS.  Harl.  No.  3960,  leaf  109  a.     It  is  also  printed  in  the  Liber  de  Melros  (Bannatyne  Club). 
Carta  Petre  de  Haga  de  dimidia  petra  Cere. 

Omnibus  hoc  seriptuw  uisuris  uel  audituris.  Petrus  de  Haga  donfinus  de  Bemerside, 
saluter/i  in  domino.  Nouo-itis  vniu<?ysi.  quod  cum  olim  conuenissem  cum  viris  religiosis 
Abbtfte  et  Cow-uentu  de  Melros  pro  quib?«dam  transgressionibws  eisdem  per  me  &  meos  illatis. 
quod,  eisdew  singulis  annis  ego  &  heredes  mei  decew  salmoues  quinque  videlicet  recentes.  & 
quinque  veteres  in  p<?/'petuuw  soluerimr/s ;  Tandem  ijdew  religiosi  pietate  ducti  p0rpendcru«t 


)UCTION. 

document  has  no  date,  but  the  grantor,  Petrus  de  Haga,  is  himself  witness  to  another 
charter,  by  which  Richard  de  Moreville,  Constable  of  Scotland  (from  1162  to  1189), 
granted  certain  serfs  to  Henry  St  Glair.  It  thus  defines  Thomas's  age  to  the  extent 
of  showing  that  he  was  a  contemporary — a  junior  one  doubtless — of  one  who  was 
himself  at  least  old  enough  to  witness  a  document  in  1189.  In  the  year  1294 
(November  2nd),  Thomas  de  Ercildoun  filius  et  heres  TJwmce  Rymour  de  Ercildoun, 
conveyed  by  charter,  to  the  Trinity  House  of  Soltra,  all  the  lands  which  he  held  by 
inheritance  in  the  village  of  Ercildoun.1 

hoc  e.<tse  in  exheredacionewt  mei  &  heredim  meorum.  mediantib?/s  viris  bonis  consencie/ite  & 
co/icedente  Johaiwe  filio  &  herede  meo  cum  dictis  Abbate  et  Conuentu  taliter  comieui. 
scilicet  quod  ego  et  heredes  [mei]  tenemw  &  present!  scripto  in  perpetuum  obliganmr  ipsis 
Abbati  &  Co/iuewtui  soluere  singwlis  annis  dimidiaw  petram  Cere  bone  &  pacabilis  ad  Gapellam 
sancti  Cuthberti.  de  veteri  Melros  die  beati  Ciithberti.  in  quadragesima  uel  triginta  denarios. 
sub  pena  triginta  denarior?m  singulis  mensibus  soluendorim  ad  luminare  dicte  Capelle.  quibus  in 
solucione  dicte  Cere  aut  trtginta  denariorum  pr<?dic£orum  fuerit  cessatuw  post  diem  &  terminum 
memoratos.  Subiciendo  me  &  heredes  meos  lurrisdiccioni  &  potestati  domini  IZpiscopi  &ancti 
Andree.  qui  pro  tempwe  fuerit.  ut  me  -&  heredes  meos  per  censuraw  ecclmasticaw  qualemcuw- 
que  possit  compellere  ad  solucionew  dicte  Cere,  aut  triginta  denariorum  predictorim  vna  cum 
pena  si  cowmittatur.  Renuwciando  pro  me  &  heredibws  meis  in  hoc  facto  onmi  accioni 
defencioni  &  accepcioni.  &  onmi  leguw*  auxilio  canonici.  &  civilis.  beneficiq  restitucionis  in 
integruw.  &  omnibus  aliis  que  -micJii  &  heredibws  meis  prodesse  potueru/it  in  hoc  facto  &  dictis 
Abbafi  &  Cowuentui  obesse.  qiio  min?^  solucio  fieri  valeat  dtc^e  cere,  aut  triginta  denariorum 
predictorum,.  una  cum  pena  si  oommittattfn  In  cui?<s  rei  testimonimw  present!  scHpto  sigilluw 
meum.  vna  cum  sigillo  domini  Oliueri  tuwc  Abb«tis  de  DriburgA  est  appensum.  Testibw* 
domino  Oliuero  Abbdtfe  de  Driburg^  domino  WiUelmo  de  Burudim.  milite  Hugone  de  Perisby 
tune  vicecomtYe  de  Rokysburg/t  Willelmo  de  Hatteley  Thome  Rymor  de  Ercildune  &  aliis, 

1  The  following  is  a  transcript  of  Thomas  de  Ercildoun's  Charter,  from  the  Cartulary  of  the 
Trinity  House  of  Soltra,  Advocate's  Library,  W.  4.  14  : — 

Ersylton 

Omnibus  has  li^ras  visuris  v<?l  audituris  Thomas  de  Ercildown  filius  et  heres  Thowe 
Rymowr  de  Ercildo«n,  Salwtem  in  domino.  Noueritis  me  per  fustuw  &  bacMl?/m  in  pleno 
iudicio  resignasse  ac  per  presentes  quietom  clamasse  pro  me  &  heredibus  meis  M.a,gistro  dom?/s 
Sancte  trtnitatis  de  Soltre,  &  fratribiis  eiusdem  donate  totam  terram  meam  cuw  omnibus 
pertinentis  suis  qua,m  in  tenemento  de  ErcildoMn  hereditarie  tenui  Renuwciando  de  cete?-o  pro 
me  et  heredibus  meis  omni  iuri  &  clameo  que  ego  seu  antecessores  mei  in  eadem  terra  alioqw<? 
temp/'/'e  de  preterito  habuim«s  siue  de  future  habere  poterimus.  In  cuitts  rei  testimowmm 
presentibws  li^eris  sigilluwi  meuw  apposui  Data  apnd  Ercildown  die  Martis  proximo  post  festuw 
Sanctorum  apostolorum  Symowis  &  lude  Anno  Domini  millesimo  et  nonogesimo  quarto. 

Although  this  document  has  been  printed  half-a-dozen  times,  and  its  date  quoted  twenty 
tunes  at  least,  the  latter  has  been  given  by  every  editor  as  1299,  and  in  the  Border  Minstrelsy 
it  is  actually  printed  nonagesimo  nono,  which  looks  like  an  attempt  to  evade  the  chronological 
difficulty  it  offers.  Mr  Skeat  kindly  points  out  that  the  Sunday  letter  for  1294  was  C,  and  Easter 
the  18th  April,  so  that  St  Simon's  and  St  Jude's,  the  28  Oct.  (the  old  day  for  electing  mayors, 
&c.,  advanced  by  Mew  Style  to  9th  Nov.)  fell  on  Thursday,  and  the  next  Tuesday  after  (die 
Martis  proximo  post)  was  2nd  November. 

"The  superiority  of  the  property  called  <  Rhymer's  Lands,'  now  owned  by  Mr  Charles  Wil- 
son, Earlstoun,  still  belongs  to  the  Trinity  College  Church  in  Edinburgh.  It  would  almost  ap- 
pear as  if  Thomas  had  held  his  lands  not  direct  from  the  Crown,  but  from  the  Earls  of  Dunbar  ; 
for  his  name  does  not  appear  in  any  State  document  of  that  period.  Nor  does  it  appear  thai 


THOMAS'S  FAMILY  AND  NAME.  xi 

Contemporary  documents  thus  fix  Eymour's  existence  between  the  end  of  the 
twelfth  and  end  of  the  thirteenth  century;  and,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  he  is 
further  historically  identified,  on  sufficient,  though  not  contemporary,  evidence,  with 
the  latter  part  of  this  period,  by  his  connexion  with  events  in  the  year  1286,  and 
(though  less  authentically)  1296.  From  1189  to  1296  is,  of  course,  more  than 
a  century ;  but,  as  has  been  shown  by  Sir  Walter  Scott,  these  dates  involve  no 
difficulty,  for  supposing  De  Moreville's  charter  to  have  been  granted  towards  the 
end  of  his  career  in  1189,  and  De  Haga  to  have  been  then  about  20,  the  grant  of 
the  latter  was  probably  not  made  before  the  end  of  his  life,  say  between  1230  and 
.1240.  If  Erceldoune  was  about  20  when  he  witnessed  this,  it  would  fix  his  birth 
somewhere  between  1210  and  1220,  so  that  he  would  be  between  66  and  76  in  1286, 
and  may,  so  far  as  this  is  concerned,  have  outlived  the  latter  date  by  several  years. 
The  prima  fade  purport  of  the  charter  of  1294  is  that  Thomas  is  already  dead,  and 
his  son  in  possession  of  the  paternal  property,  which  he  in  his  turn  gives  away. 
Considerations  at  variance  with  this  inference  will  be  noticed  further  on. 

2.  Of  his  family,  or  how  much  was  actually  implied  by  his  surname,  de  Erceldoun,. 
we  know  nothing.  The  latter  was,  however,  evidently  derived  from  the  village  of 
Ercheldun,  Erceldoune,  Ersyltoun,  in  Berwickshire,  on  the  banks  of  the  Leader, 
a  northern  tributary  of  the  Tweed,  from  which,  in  still  earlier  times,  there  had 
emerged  a  shepherd  boy,  destined  to  become  the  apostle  of  his  native  Northumbria, 
St  Cuthbert.  Ercheldoun,  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  seems  to  have 
been  a  place  of  considerable  importance,  and  is  connected  both  with  the  family  of 
Lindesey,  and  the  Earls  of  March.  A  Cart  a  Wilhelmi  Linseia,  de  Ecclesia  de  Erchel- 
doun to  the  priory  of  Coldingham,  dating  to  the  reign  of  David  I.  or  Malcolm  the 
Maiden  (1124 — 1163)  is  preserved  in  the  Durham  archives,  and  a  Carta  W.  de-Lin- 
dessi  de  Fauope  iuxta  Ledre,  ante  1165,  to  the  monks  of  Melros,  is  also  in  existence, 
witnessed  among  others  by  Arosine  de  lindeseia,  Swano  de  Ercedun,  and  Cospatn'cio 
de  Ercedun.  The  Lindesey  family  do  not  appear  ever  to  take  the  surname  de 
Erceldoun,  which  is  borne  by  that  of  Cospatric,  Earl  of  March  (called  often,  from 
his  chief  residence,  Earl  of  D  unbar).  The  Earls  of  March  are  said  to  have  had  a 
castle  at  the  east  end  of  the  village,  which  was  probably  the  scene  of  the  royal  visits 
in  the  reign  of  David  I.,  when  various  documents,  including  the  Foundation  Charter 

the  lands  were  of  large  extent,  for  through  old  deeds  the  dimensions  of  the  lands  can  be  ob- 
served unaltered  for  the  last  three  centuries  back  at  least." — James  Tait,  Esq.,  in  l  History  of 
Jiermickshire  Nat.  Club,'  vol.  v.  p.  264.  The  actual  area  of  Rhymer's  Lands,  as  I  learn  by 
letter  from  Mr  Wilson,  is  only  9^  acres,  and  no  other  land  in  Earlstoun  or  its  neighbourhood 
owns  the  superiority  of  Trinity  College  Church. 


Xii  INTRODUCTION. 

of  Melroso  Abbey  in  June  1136,  and  its  confirmation  by  his  son  Prince  Henry  in 
1143,  were  subscribed  apud  Ercheldon. 

Whether  Thomas  de  Erceldoune  was  related  to  the  family  of  March,  as  might 
perhaps  be  assumed  from  the  way  in  which  his  name  appears  more  than  once 
in  connexion  with  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  that  house,  or  whether  his  relations 
with  them  were  those  of  a  vassal,  or  of  a  neighbour  merely,  cannot  be  ascertained. 
Of  a  tower,  traditionally  pointed  out  as  his,  the  ruins  still  exist  at  the  west  end  of 
the  village,  though  the  family  connexion  with  it  must  have  ceased  in  1294,  when, 
as  already  stated,  the  patrimonial  estate  in  Erceldoune  was  conveyed  to  the  religious 
establishment  at  Soltra.  The  Earl's  Tower  at  the  other  end  of  the  village  continued 
to  be  an  important  fortress,  and,  according  to  popular  belief,  to  it  is  due  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  old  name  of  Ercheldoun  or  Ersyltoun,  to  the  modern  spelling  of 
Earlstoun,  which  railway  and  postal  authorities  contract  to  Earlston.1 

Thomas  is  not  known  to  any  of  the  older  authorities  by  any  surname  save  his 
territorial  one  of  Erceldoune,  or  that  of  Rymour,  derived,  it  is  generally  supposed, 
from  his  poetic  or  prophetic  avocations ;  "  though  even  this  is  uncertain,  for  Rymour 
was  a  Berwickshire  name  in  those  days,  one  John  Eymour,  a  freeholder,  having  done 

1  My  friend,  Andrew  Currie,  Esq.,  of  Darnick,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  much  local  in- 
formation as  to  the  Rhymer,  and  who  is  himself,  I  helieve,  a  native  of  Earlstoun,  considers  that 
Erceldoun,  or  Ersyltoun,  has  not  been  altered  into  Earlstoun,  but  supplanted  by  it.  He  thinks 
that  the  original  village  of  Ercildoune  is  represented  by  the  hamlet  of  thatched  houses  at  the 
west,  on  the  road  to  Lauder,  and  immediately  to  the  north  of  Rbrmour's  Tower,  and  that  the 
hamlet  which  rose  nearly  a  mile  to  the  east  round  the  Earl's  Tower,  was  distinguished  as  the 
Earl's  Town  ;  and  this  having  in  process  of  time  become  the  main  village,  and  absorbed  the 
more  ancient  Ercildoune,  gave  its  name  to  the  whole.  But  Erceldoune  was  originally  the 
general  name,  as  the  Earl  was  Cospatric  de  Ercvldun,  so  that  the  "  Earl's  Town,"  if  it  existed, 
would  be  the  "  Earls-town  at  or  in  Erceldoun."  Rhymer's  Lands,  beside  the  ruins  of  Thomas's 
Tower,  also  contained  an  ancient  water-mill,  of  which  Mr  Currie  says  :  "  Rhymer's  Mill  was 
renewed  by  me  in  1843.  The  old  one  had  a  stone  in  the  gable  with  the  words  in  antique  letters, 
ICU&pnur  jktll ;  I  think  this  stone  was  replaced  in  the  new  mill  above  the  water-wheel.  The 
site  of  the  Earl's  Tower,  a  much  more  extensive  structure  than  Rhymour's  Tower,  is  now  occu- 
pied by  the  Gasworks.  I  remember  seeing  hewn  pavement,  &c.,  turned  up  on  the  spot  some 
forty  years  ago,  besides  large  chiselled  blocks,  which  had  been  part  of  the  original  walls  and 
foundations.  A  little  to  the  west  of  this,  and  by  the  burn-side,  is  a  knowe  or  moraine,  which 
still  bears  the  name  of  the  Hawk's  Kalm,  and  is  traditionally  remembered  as  the  site  of  the 
Falconry  of  the  Earls  of  Dunbar.  A  long  level  strip  of  ground  between  it  and  the  burn  is  still 
called  The  Butts,  and  said  to  have  been  the  archery  practice  ground.  Of  Rhymer's  Tower,  the 
decay  has  proceeded  rapidly  within  my  memory  ;  about  1830,  the  fireplace  was  still  entire, 
with  massive  red  stone  lintel  and  corbels  from  the  free  stone  of  the  Black  Hill  behind  Cowden- 
knowes.  A  curious  discovery  was  made,  when  clearing  out  the  brushwood  of  this  old  quarry, 
of  a  corbel  nearly  finished,  identical  in  pattern  and  size  with  those  remaining  in  Rhymer's 
Tower.  This  is  now  preserved  at  Cowdenknowes.  There  is  no  male  inhabitant  of  Earlstoun 
now  claiming  descent  from  the  Rhymer,  since  the  death  of  the  last  of  the  Learmonts,  an  old 
bachelor,  Robert  by  name,  and  a  weaver  by  trade,  from  whom  I  learned  many  traditions  of 
Ercildoun,  some  35  years  ago."  (See  some  additional  particulars  at  end  of  the  Notes.) 


HISTORICAL  (?)    NOTICES    OF   THOMAS.  XJU 

homage  to  Edward  I.  in  1296."  The  inscription  on  the  front  wall  of  the  church  at 
Earlstoun,  which  marks  the  traditional  place  of  his  sepulture, 

"  Auld  Rymer's  race 
Lies  in  this  place," 

seems  to  point  to  Rymour  as  the  name  of  the  family. l  But  Hector  Boece  or  Boyce 
(1527)  gives  him  the  surname  of  Leirmont;2  and  Nisbet,  the  Herald,  in  a  work 
written  1702,  styles  him  Sir  Thomas  Learmont  of  Earlstoun  in  the  Merss,  in  which 
he  is  followed  by  later  writers;  and,  according  to  Sir  Walter  Scott  in  1804,  "an 
unvarying  tradition  corresponds  to  their  assertion."  A  tradition  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  however,  corresponding  to  a  statement  which  has  passed  current  in  books 
since  the  sixteenth,  has  no  independent  value ;  and  as  Msbet  quotes  as  evidence  for 
Thomas's  surname  "  charters  of  an  earlier  date  "  which  no  one  has  ever  seen,  we  may 
dismiss  the  subject  with  a  mere  mention  of  the  hypotheses  suggested  by  David 
Macpherson  and  others  to  account  for  Boyce's  and  Nisbet's  nomenclature,  such  as 
"  that  Thomas,  or  his  predecessor,  had  married  an  heiress  of  the  name  of  Learmont, 
and  occasioned  this  error,"  or  that  "  some  family  of  that  name  may  have  traced  their 
descent  from  him  by  the  female  side."  For  us,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  know  him  as 
he  was  known  to  Barbour,  Fordun,  and  Robert  of  Brunne,  as  Thomas  of  Erceldoune, 
otherwise  Thomas  Rymour. 

3.  The  incident  by  which  he  is  associated  with  the  year  1286  is  his  so-called 
prediction  of  the  calamitous  death  of  Alexander  III. ;  the  earliest  notice  of  which 
is  found  in  the  Scotichronicon  of  John  of  Fordun,  or  rather  his  continuator  Walter 
Bower  (born  1385,  wrote  about  1430).  According  to  this  account,  on  the  night 
before  the  king  was  killed,  by  being  thrown  over  the  precipice  at  Kinghorn ; 
"  Thomas  of  Erseldon,  visiting  the  castle  of  Dunbar,  was  interrogated  by  the  Earl 
of  March,  in  the  jocular  manner  which  he  was  wont  to  assume  with  the  Rymour, 

1  Mr  Tait,  in  the  Berwickshire  Nat.  Transact,  already  quoted,  says,  « Tradition  says  the 
stone  was  transferred  from  the  old  church,  which  stood  some  yards  distant  from  the  present 
edifice.  In  1782  the  ancient  inscription  was  defaced  by  some  senseless  fellow  in  a  drunken 
frolic,  but  the  clergyman  compelled  him  to  replace  it  in  the  same  words  as  before.  The  defaced 
characters  were  very  ancient,  the  present  are  quite  modern,  and  the  spelling  also  is  modernised. 
The  right  of  sepulture  is  still  claimed  there  by  persons  named  Learmont,  an  indication  that  if 
Thomas  did  not  bear  that  surname,  it  was  adopted  by  his  descendants,"  [or  some  who  claimed 
to  represent  him].  "  The  church  itself,"  says  Mr  Currie,  "  may  not  be  more  than  150  years  old. 
It  stands  on  the  site  of  an  older  one  which  was  a  vicarage  of  Coldinghame.  In  the  east  gable 
is  built  a  red  stone  bearing  a  dagger-shaped  cross,  the  well-known  symbol  of  the  Knights 
Templars.  (See  additional  particulars  at  end  of  the  Notes.) 

8  Boece  lib.  xiii.  f.  291  a  (Parisiis,  1575).  Tradunt  scriptores  pridie  quam  Alexander 
fate  functus  esset,  comitem  merchiarum  percunctatum  sub  noctem  insignew  quendam  vatem  ac 
praedicendi  arte  hand  saepe  falleratem,  Thomas  Leirmont  nomine,  vtrum  aliquid  in  posterum 
diem  noui  euenturum  esset. 


XIV  INTRODUCTION. 

what  another  day  was  to  bring  forth.  Thomas,  fetching  a  heavy  sigh  from  the 
bottom  of  his  heart,  is  said  to  have  expressed  himself  to  this  effect :  '  Alas  for 
to-morrow,  a  day  of  calamity  and  misery  !  Before  the  twelfth  hour,  shall  be  heard 
a  blast  so  vehement  that  it  shall  exceed  all  those  that  have  yet  been  heard'in  Scot- 
land :  a  blast  which  shall  strike  the  nations  with  amazement,  shall  confound  those 
who  hear  it,  shall  humble  what  is  lofty,  and  what  is  unbending  shall  level  to  the 
ground.'  In  consequence  of  this  alarming  prediction,  the  Earl  and  his  attendants 
were  induced  to  observe  the  state  of  the  atmosphere  next  day ;  but  having  watched 
till  the  ninth  hour  without  discovering  any  unusual  appearance,  they  began  to 
deride  Thomas  as  a  driveller.  The  Earl,  however,  had  scarcely  sat  down  to  dinner, 
and  the  hand  of  the  dial  pointed  the  hour  of  noon,  when  a  messenger  arrived  at  the 
gate  and  importunately  demanded  admission ;  they  now  found  that  the  prediction 
was  fatally  verified ;  for  this  messenger  came  to  announce  the  intelligence  of  the 
king's  death."  l  Bower's  story  is  repeated  by  Mair  (Joannes  Major  Scotus),  and 
Hector  Boece  (Boethius)  (see  note  2,  p.  xiii),  the  former  adding,  "  To  this  Thomas 
our  countrymen  have  ascribed  many  predictions,  and  the  common  people  of  Britain 
yield  no  slight  degree  of  credit  to  stories  of  this  nature ;  which  I  for  the  most  part 
am  wont  to  treat  with  ridicule."  Bellenden  also,  in  his  vernacular  version  of  Boece, 
tells  the  story  in  more  moderate  language  than  Fordun  : 

"It  is  said  ye  day  afore  ye  kingis  deith,  the  Erie  of  Merche  demandit  ane 
propheit  naniit  Thomas  Eimour,  otherwayis  namit  Ersiltoun,  quhat  weddir  suld  be 

1  "  Annon  recordaris  quod  ille  vates  ruralis,  Thomas  videlicet  de  Erseldon,  nocte  praecedenti 
mortem  regis  Alexandri,  in  castro  de  Dunbar,  obscure  prophetando,  de  occasu  ejus  dixerat 
comiti  Marchiarum  interroganti  ab  eo,  ut  solitus  quasi  jocando,  quid  altera  dies  futura  novi 
esset  paritura  ?  Qui  Thomas  attrahens  de  imo  cordis  singultuosum  suspirium,  sic  fertur  comiti 
coram  aulicis  palam  protulisse  :  '  Heu  diei  crastinas !  diei  calamitatis  et  miseries !  qua  ante 
horam  explicite  duodecimam  audietur  tarn  vehemens  ventus  in  Scotia,  quod  a  magnia 
retroactis  temporibus  consimilis  minime  inveniebatur.  Cujus  quidem  flatus  obstupescere  faciet 
gentes,  stupidos  reddet  audientes,  excelsa  humiliabit,  et  rigida  solo  complanabit.'  Propter 
cujus  seria  affamina  comes  cum  aulicis  crastinum  observantes,  et  horas  diei  usque  ad  nonam 
considerantes,  et  nullum  vestigium  in  nubibus  vel  signis  ventosis  cceli  auspicantes,  Thomam 
tanquam  inscnsatam  reputantes,  ad  prandium  properarunt.  Ubi  dum  comiti  vix  mensge 
collocate,  et  signo  borologii  ad  meredianam  horam  fere  approximato,  affuit  quidam  ad  portam, 
importunis  pulsibus  aures  comitis  concutiens,  aditum  sibi  ocius  fieri  flagitavit.  Intromissus 
igitur  advena,  et  de  novis  impetitus,  'Nova,'  inquit,  'habeo,  sed  nosciva,  toto  regno  Scotise 
deflenda,  quia  inclitus,  lieu  !  rex  ejus  finem  praasentis  vitoe  hesterna  nocte  apud  Kingorn 
sortitus  est,  et  haec  veni  nunciare  tibi.'  Ad  hanc  narrationem,  quasi  de  gravi  somno  excitatus, 
comes  una  cum  familiaribus  tutuderunt  pectora,  et  dicti  Thomas  experti  sunt  credibilia  nimis 
facta  fore  vaticinia."  Bower,  Scotichronicon,  lib.  x.  c.  43.  "The  local  tradition,"  according 
to  Mr  Currie,  "  has  it  that  the  prophecy  was  delivered  in  the  Earl  of  Dunbar's  castle  at  Ercel- 
doune,  the  royal  herald  announcing  his  arrival  by  a  bugle  blast  from  the  Corse-Hill  Head,  on 
the  Huntshaw  road,  to  the  north  of  the  village.  The  spot  is  still  called,  if  my  memory  serves 
me  right,  The  Trumpet  or  Bugle  Knowe." 


HISTORICAL  (?)    NOTICES   OF   THOMAS.  XV 

on  ye  morrow.  To  quhome  answerit  this  Thomas,  that  on  the  morrow  afore  noun, 
sail  blaw  the  greatest  wynd  that  euir  was  herd  afore  in  Scotland.  On  ye  morrow, 
quhen  it  wes  neir  noun,  ye  lift  appering  loune  but  ony  din  or  tempest,  ye  Erie  sent 
for  this  propheit  and  repreuit  hym  that  he  pronosticat  sic  wynd  to  be  and  na 
apperance  yairof.  Yis  Thomas  maid  litel  answer,  bot  said,  noun  is  not  jit  gane. 
And  incontinent  ane  man  come  to  the  jet  schawing  y*  the  king  was  slain.  Yan 
said  ye  propheit,  Zone  is  the  wynd  yat  sail  blaw  to  ye  gret  calamite  and  trouble  of 
all  Scotland.  Yis  Thomas  was  ane  man  of  gret  admiration  to  the  people,  and 
schew  sindry  thingis  as  they  fell.  Howbeit  yai  wer  ay  hyd  vnder  obscure 
wourdis." 

Divested  of  the  grandiloquence  of  it's  monkish  chroniclers,  "  the  story,"  says  Sir 
Walter  Scott,  "  would  run  simply  that  Thomas  presaged  to  the  Earl  of  March  that 
the  next  day  would  be  windy — the  weather  proved  calm,  but  news  arrived  of  the 
death  of  Alexander  III.,  which  gave  an  allegorical  turn  to  the  prediction,  and  saved 
the  credit  of  the  prophet.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  rhymes  vulgarly  ascribed 
to  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  are  founded  apparently  on  meteorological  observation. 
And  doubtless  before  the  invention  of  barometers,  a  weather-wise  prophet  might  be 
an  important  personage." 

Whatever  the  foundation  of  the  story,  and  however  explained,  it  may  be  taken, 
at  least  in  conjunction  with  the  documentary  evidence  already  given,  as  showing 
that  Thomas  was  alive  in  1286.  According  to  Harry  the  Minstrel  he  survived  also 
to  1296,  when  he  was  identified  with  a  critical  passage  in  the  life  of  Wallace. 

Towards  the  beginning  of  that  hero's  career,  as  reported  by  his  minstrel  biographer, 
he  was  seized  in  the  town  of  Ayr,  by  the  soldiers  of  the  English  garrison  under 
Lord  Percy,  whose  steward,  amongst  several  others,  Wallace  had  slain  in  a  market 
brawl.  While  lying  in  prison  awaiting  his  trial,  the  rigour  of  his  treatment  and 
filthiness  of  his  dungeon  brought  on  dysentery,  under  which  he  sank,  and  was 
found  by  the  jailor  apparently  dead.  His  body  was  cast  over  the  walls  upon  a 
"  draff  myddyn,"  whence  it  was  begged  by  an  old  nurse,  who  desired  to  do  the  last 
rites  to  the  corpse.  While  washing  the  body,  however,  she  noticed  faint  signs  of 
animation,  and  by  dint  of  careful  nursing,  secretly  restored  him  to  life  and  health, 
while  observing  all  the  outward  show  of  mourning  for  his  death. 

thomas  Bimour  in  to  the  faile1  was  than,  The  peple  demyt  of  witt  mekill  he  can  ; 

With  the  mynystM-,  quhilk  was  a  worthi  man  :  '  And  so  he  told,  thocht  at  thai  bliss  or  ban, 
He  wsyt  offt  to  tha,t  religiouss  place.  Quhilk  hapnyt  suth  in  many  diuerss  cace, 

1  The  Faile  or  Fcale,  a  priory  of  the  Cluniacenses  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ayr,  which  was 
still  flourishing  in  the  sixteenth  century. 


XVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


I  can  nocht  say,  be  wrang  or 

In  rewlle  of  wer,  qahethir  thai  tynt  or  wan ; 

It  may  be  demyt  be  diuisioun  of  grace. 

Thar  man  that  day  had  in  the  merket  bene, 
On  Wallace  knew  this  cairfull  cass  so  kene. 
His  master  speryt,  quhat  tithingts  at  he  saw. 
This  matt  ansuerd  ;  "of  litill  hard  I  meyn." 
The  mynister  said ;  '  It  has  bene  seildyn  seyn, 
quhar  scottw  and  Ingliss  semblit  bene  on  Raw, 
Was  neuir  ^it,  als  fer  as  we  coud  knaw, 
Bot  oilier  a  scot  wald  do  a  sothroun  teyn, 
Or  he  till  him,  for  awentur  mycht  faw.' 

"  Wallace,"  he  said,  "  je  wist  tayne  in  that 

Bteid  ; 

Out  our  the  wall  I  saw  thaim  cast  him  deide, 
In  presoune  famys[i]t  for  fawt  of  fude." 
The  mynister  said  vfith  hart  hewy  as  leid, 
1  Sic   deid  to   thaim,  me   think,   suld  foster 

feid; 

For  he  was  wicht  and  cuwmyn  of  gentill  blud.' 
Thomas   ansuerd  "  thir  tythingis  ar  noucht 

gud; 

And  that  be  suth,  my  self  sail  nenir  eit  breid, 
For  all  my  witt  her  schortlye  I  concind. 
'  a  woman  syne  of  the  Newtoun  of  Ayr, 
Till  him  scho  went  fra  he  was  fallyn  ther  ; 
And  On  her  kneis  rycht  lawly  thaim  besocht, 
To  purchess  leiff  scho  mycht  thin  with  him 

fayr. 

In  lychtlyness  tyll  hyr  thai  grant  to  fayr. 
Our  the  wattyr  on  till  hir  houss  him  brocht, 
To  berys  him  als  gudlye  as  scho  mocht.' 
^hit  thomas  said  "  Thau  sail  I  leiff  na  mar, 
Gj'ff  that  be  trew,  be-god,  that  all  has  wrocht." 
the  mynister  herd  quhat  thomas  said  in  playne. 


He   chargyt  him   than    "go   speid   the   fast 

agayne 

To  that  sammyn  houss  and  werraly  aspye." 
The   man   went  furth,   at  byddyng  was  full 

bayne  ; 

To  the  new  town  to  pass  he  did  his  payn, 
To  that  ilk  houss  ;  and  went  in  sodanlye, 
About  he  blent  on  to  the  burd  him  bye. 
This  woman  raiss,  in  hart  scho  was  [nocht] 

fayn. 

quha  aw  t  his  lik,  he  bad  hir  noclit  deny. 
"  Wallace,"  scho  said,  "  that  full  worthy  has 

beyne," 

Thus  wepyt  scho,  that  pete  was  to  seyne. 
The  man  thar  to  gret  credens  gaif  he  nocht  : 
Towart  the  burd  he  bowned  as  he  war  teyne. 
On  kneis  scho  felle,  and  cryit  :   '  For  maiye 

scheyne, 
Lat   sklandyr  be,   and    flemyt  out   of     our 


This  man   hir  suour  "be  him  that  all  has 

wrocht, 

Myc/it  I  on  lyff  him  anys  se  with  myn  eyn, 
He  suld  be  saiff,   thocht  Ingland  had  him 


scho  had  him  wp  to  Wallace  be  the  dess  ; 
He  spak  with  him  ;  syne  fast  agayne  can  press 
With  glaid  bodword,  thar  myrthis  till  amend. 
He  told  to  thaim  the  first  tithingis  was  less. 
Than  thomas  said  :  "forsuth,  or  he  decess, 
Mony  thousand  in  feild  sail  mak  thar  end. 
Off  this  regioune  he  sail  the  sothroun  send  ; 
And  Scotland  thriss  he  sail  bryng  to  the  pess  : 
So  gud  off  hand  agayne  sail  nenir  be  kend." 


This  incident,  if  authentic,  could  not  have  taken  place  before  1296  or  1297  ;  and 
it  is  at  once  evident  that  it  conflicts  with  the  idea  that  Thomas  was  already  dead  in 
1294,  when  Thomas  de  Ercildoun  filius  et  heres  Thomce  Rymour  de  Ercildoun  de- 
vised the  paternal  estates.  It  is  easy,  of  course,  to  say  that,  the  charter  being  un- 
doubted, Harry's  story  must  be  set  aside  as  a  mere  fable.  But  I  am  not  disposed 
to  treat  the  Minstrel's  circumstantial  narrative  quite  so  lightly ;  and  I  would  sug- 
gest that  it  is  not  impossible  that  Thomas,  wearied  and  dispirited  with  the  calami- 
ties under  which  his  country  was  sinking,  may  before  his  death  have  transferred  his 
estates,  and  retired  to  end  his  days  in  the  priory  of  the  Faile.  If  Harry  is  to  be 
trusted  in  saying  that  Thomas  "  usyt  offt  to  that  religiou:0  place,"  we  may  even  have 
a  key  to  those  temporary  disappearances  from  his  home,  which  popular  superstition 
accounted  for  by  visits  to  Fairyland ;  and  a  final  retirement  while  still  alive  may 


EARLY   CITATIONS    OF    THOMAS'S    PROPHECIES.  XVU 

really  be  the  fact  concealed  under  the  legend  of  his  sudden  disappearance  from  the 
world.  Then,  are  we  correct  in  assuming  that  the  charter  in  question  is  granted  by 
Thomas's  son,  and  not  by  Thomas  himself?  If  Eymour  was  the  family  surname, 
the  latter  is  not  impossible.  It  is  at  least  a  pleasing  fancy  to  picture  Thomas,  the 
last  mayhap  of  his  line,  after  setting  his  house  in  order  and  disposing  of  his  worldly 
goods,  retiring  from  earthly  cares  and  pursuits,  and  leaving  his  neighbours  to  marvel 
at  his  departure,  and  attribute  it  to  the  powers  of  another  world,  who  could  spare 
him  to  "  middle-erd  "  no  longer.  Many  a  myth  has  gone  farther  astray  from  its 
simple  basis.  Patrick  Gordon,  in  his  rhymed  History  of  Robert  Bruce  (Dort,  1615), 
says  Eymour  survived  to  1307 ;  but  as  he  gives  us  no  authority  for  the  statement, 
his  evidence  is  of  very  doubtful  value. 

4.  Such  are  the  only  notices  which  refer,  or  purport  to  refer,  to  Thomas  in  his 
lifetime.  They  seem  to  point  to  him  as  a  man  of  sagacity  and  foresight,  who,  veiling 
his  observations  "  under  obscure  wourdis,"  had  already  before  his  death  attained  to 
the  repute  of  something  like  prophetic  power.  As  a  patriot,  and  one  who  had  lived 
during  the  palmy  days  of  the  old  Scottish  monarchy  before 

Alysandyr  owre  kyng  wes  dede 
That  Scotlande  led  in  luve  and  le, 

he  must  have  keenly  felt  the  sorrows  which  overtook  his  country  in  his  last  years, 
and  if  he  understood  the  temper  of  his  countrymen,  he  may  well  have  expressed  his 
hope  and  confidence  of  their  final  triumph  in  tones  which  fell  from  the  lips  of  the 
"  old  man  eloquent "  with  all  the  weight  of  inspiration.  That  his  reputed  sayings 
were  so  quoted  early  in  the  course  of  the  struggle,  and  within  a  few  years  after  his 
own  death,  is  abundantly  evident  from  various  references.  One  of  these  occurs  in 
Barbour's  Bruce,  where,  after  Bruce  had  slain  the  Eed  Cumyn  in  the  Grey  Friars 
church  at  Dumfries  in  1306,  news  of  the  event  reached  amongst  others  the  patriotic 
Bishop  of  St  Andrews  : 

TJie  lettir  tauld  hym  all  the  deid,  off  hersildoune  sail  weryfyd  be 

And  he  till  his  men  gert  it  reid,  In  him  ;  for,  swa  our  lord  help  me  I 

And  sy thyn  said  £7taim,  "  sekyrly  I  haiff  gret  hop  he  sail  be  king, 

I  hop  Thomas  prophecy  And  haif  tJiis  land  all  in  leding." 

Andro  of  "Wyntown  also  in  his  "  Orygynale  "  (Book  VIII,  chap.  32),  referring 
to  the  battle  of  Kilblane,  fought  by  Sir  Andrew  Moray  against  the  Baliol  faction 

in  1334,  says  : —          Of  tJtis  fycht  qwhylum  spak  Thomas 
of  Ersyldoune,  that  sayd  in  derne, 

There  suld  mete  stalwarthe,1  stark,  and  sterne.         L1  MS.  stalwartlyj 
He  sayd  it  in  his  prophecy  ; 
But  how  he  wist  it  was  ferly. 

ERCILDOUN.  b 


INTRODUCTION. 


At  a  still  earlier  period  the  prophetic  renown  of  Thomas  is  alluded  to  by  the 
author  of  the  Scalacronica,  a  French  chronicle  of  English  History,  compiled  by  Sir 
Thomas  Grey,  constable  of  Norham,  during  his  captivity  in  Edinburgh  Castle  in 
1355.  One  of  the  Notabilia,  extracted  by  Leyland  from  the  unpublished  part  of 
this  chronicle,  is  headed  :  "William  Banestre  and  Thomas  Erceldoune,  whose  words 
were  spoken  in  figure,  as  were  the  prophecies  of  Merlin." 1 

Most  of  these  writers,  however,  lived  a  century  after  Thomas,  and  it  might  of 
course  be,  that  their  references  to  the  notoriety  of  his  prophetic  powers  represented 
rather  the  current  opinion  of  their  own  age  than  of  that  of  which  they  wrote  \  that 
Barbour,  for  example,  in  making  Bishop  Lamberton  quote  "  Thomas'  prophecy," 
described  what  he  was  very  likely  to  do  himself,  though  he  might  have  no  ground 
either  in  tradition  or  history  for  imputing  it  to  the  Bishop  of  St  Andrews  But 
this  is  sufficiently  met  by  the  fact  that  a  MS.  of  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century  not  only  credits  Thomas  with  oracular  powers,  but  preserves  what  purports 
to  be  one  of  his  prophecies,  in  the  following  form  (MS.  Harl.  2253,  If  127,  col.  2) : 

La  countesse  de  Donbar  dernanda  a  Thomas  de  Essedoune  quant  la  guere  descoce  prendreit 
fyn.  e  yl  la  repoundy  e  dyt, 

When  man  as  mad  akyng  of  a  capped  man  ; 

When  mon  is  leuere  o^ermones  j^yng  £>en  is  owen  ; 

When  londyonys  forest,  ant  forest  ys  f elde  ; a 

When  hares  kendles  o£e  herston  ; 

When  Wyt  &  Wille  werres  togedere  ; 

When  mon  makes  stables  of  kyrkes,  and  steles  castles  wy}?  styes  ; 

When  rokesbourh  nys  no  burgh3  ant  market  is  at  Forwyleye  ; 

1  The  Kev.  W.  W.  Skeat  has  been  so  kind  as  to  find  the  original  of  Leyland's  extract  in 
the  manuscript  in  the  library  of  Corpus  Christi  Coll.  Cambridge  (No.  133,  leaf  60,  back).     He 
says  :   "It  is  a  long  paragraph,  in  which  the  name  of  'Merlyns'  occurs  repeatedly  ;  some  re- 
marks at  the  end  imply  that  he  spoke  so  much  '  en  figure '  as  to  render  the  interpretation  of 
his  meaning  very  doubtful.     It  is  remarked  that  much  is  said  about  boars,  dragons,  bears, 
eagles,  lions,  asses,  moles,  trees,  and  brooks  ;  and  that  the  object  seems  to  have  been  to  make 
the  prophecies  obscure — '  ne  purra  estre  determyne  en  certayne,  si  fussent,  en  le  hour  de  le- 
scriuer  de  cest  cronicle,  passe  ou  auenir.   pusq?/<?  tauwtes  des  Eoys  sount  passez.    tanco/n.  dure- 
rent  les  Kegnes  des  .vij.  reaulmes  Saxsouns.   en  queux  la  grant  bretaigne  estoit  deuise.    et  dez 
autres  puscedy  Engles  &  Normawdes.     pur  quoy  ne  agreast  a  le  deuisour  de  cest  cronicle  plus 
dez  parolis  de  Merlyne  de  soy  entremettre.     lie  dez  autres  queux  horn  disoit  en  le  houre  pre- 
destino?/rs.     com  de  Willam  Banastre.     ou  de  Thomas  de  Erceldoun.     les  parolis  de  queux 
furount  ditz  en  fig?/re.     od  diuers  entendemewtz  aptez  a  lestimaciouw  de  les  comentowrs.   q«<? 
en  cas  pwroint  desacorder.' " 

2  The  letters  \>  and  y  are  in  the  MS.  only  distinguished  by  the  y  having  a  dot,  which  is  often 
omitted  ;    n  and  u  also  are  indistinguishable  ;    londyonys  or  loudyonys  may  be  London  is  or 
Loudyon,  i.  e.  "  Lothian  is  forest,  and  forest  is  field."     Forest  may  refer  to  the  old  name  of 
Selkirkshire,  or  Etterick  Forest. 

3  Roxburgh,  the  ancient  county  town  of  Roxburghshire,  and  one  of  the  "  four  great  burghs  " 
of  Scotland,  the  remains  of  whose  castle  still  crown  the  promontory  between  the  Tweed  and 
Teviot  at  their  confluence,  has  been  "  no  burgh  "  since  1517,  and  not  a  stone  of  the  once  great 
town  now  remains  in  situ,. 


EARLY    CITATIONS    OF    THOMAS'S    PROPHECIES. 


XIX 


When  \>Q  aide  is  gan  ant  j?e  newe  is  come  J?*  don  (or  dou)  noj?t 

When  bambourne  is  donged  Wyj?  dedemen ; 

When  men  ledes  men  in  ropes  to  buyen  &  to  sellen  ; 

When  a  quarter  of  whaty  whete  is  chaunged  for  a  colt  of  ten  markka  ; 

When  prude  prikes  &  pees  is  leyd  in  prisoun  ; 

When  a  scot  ne  may  hym  hude  ase  hare  in  forme  J?*  \>Q  englysshe  ne  sal  hym  fynde ; 

When  ry|?t  ant  Wrong  ascentej?  to  gedere ; 

When  laddes  weddef>  louedis  ; 

When  scottes  flen  so  faste,  J?1  for  faute  of  ship,  hy  drownej?  hem  selue 

Whenne  shal  j?is  be  1     Nouj?er  in  £>ine  tyme  ne  in  myne  ; 

ah  comen  &  gon  wij?  inne  twenty  wynter  ant  on. 

This  is  in  a  southern  (or  south-midland)  dialect,  and  doubtless  by  an  English 
author.  The  effect  of  it  seems  to  be  that  many  improbabilities  will  happen,  and  in 
especial  that  many  calamities  will  happen  to  Scotland,  before  the  war  with  that 
country  shall  end,  which  shall  not  be  in  the  time  of  either  Thomas  or  his 
interrogator,  but  within  twenty-one  years  after.  (See  further  at  end  of  the 
Notes.) 

Mr  Pinkerton,  who  first  printed  the  lines  in  the  "  List  of  the  Scotish  Poets,"  pre- 
fixed to  his  "  Ancient  Scotish  poems  never  before  in  print"  (London,  1786,  Yol.  I, 
p.  Ixxviij),  and  Sir  Walter  Scott,  who  quoted  it  from  Pinkerton  (very  inaccurately, 
and  with  loss  of  one  line),  in  the  "  Border  Minstrelsy,"  assume  that  the  Countesse  de 
Donbar  is  the  heroic  Black  Agnes,  daughter  of  Randolph,  so  celebrated  for  her 
defence  of  Dunbar  Castle  in  1337,  and  also  referred  to  in  the  following  poem.  But 
as  Mr  Bond  says  the  MS.  is  undoubtedly  before  1320,  this  is  not  possible;  and  by 
the  Countess  is  no  doubt  meant  the  wife  of  the  Earl  to  whom  Thomas  predicted  the 
death  of  Alexander  III,  and  with  whom,  as  already  said,  he  seems  to  have  been  a 
familiar  visitor.  Bambourne  is  evidently  Bannockburn,  and  the  reference  to  its 
being  "  donged  with  dede  men,"  leads  one  to  infer  that  the  prediction  was  composed 
after,  or  or  least  on  the  eve  of  that  battle,  in  1314.  But  there  wTas  no  time  between 
that  battle  and  1320,  or  even  Bruce's  death  in  1329,  when  a  prophecy  that  "  the 
Scots  should  hide  as  hare  in  form,"  would  suit  events  or  even  distant  probabilities ; 
and  I  am  inclined  therefore  to  suppose  that  it  was  actually  composed  on  the  eve  of 
the  Battle  of  Bannockburn,  and  circulated  under  Thomas's  name,  in  order  to  dis- 
courage the  Scots  and  encourage  the  English  in  the  battle.  It  is  well  known  that 
Edward  II  felt  so  sure  of  gaining  that  battle,  and  finishing  the  war  at  a  blow,  that 
he  held  a  council  in  the  camp  on  the  previous  day,  and  drew  up  statutes  and 
ordinances  for  the  disposal  of  Scotland  and  its  inhabitants,  which  were  found  in  the 
English  camp  after  his  defeat.  Counting  back  from  1314,  "  twenty  wynter  ant  on" 
would  bring  us  to  1293,  when  Thomas  was,  as  we  have  seen,  still  alive. 

That  prophecy  formed  an  important  weapon  on  both  sides  during  the  wars 


XX 


INTRODUCTION. 


between  England  and  Scotland  appears  from  many  sources,  and  a  passage  in  Higden's 
Polychronicon  (as  translated  by  Trevisa)  referring  to  this  very  period  says  : 

"  The  Scottes  waxed  stronger  &  stronger  thyrty  yeres  togyder,  vnto  Kyng 
Edwardes  tyme  the  thyrde  after  the  Conquest,  and  bete  down  Englyshemen  ofte, 
and  Englyshe  places,  that  were  nygh  to  theyr  marches.  Some  seyd  that  that  mys- 
happe  fell  for  softnesse  of  Englyshemen ;  and  some  seyde,  that  it  was  goddes  own 
wreche,  as  the  prophecye  said,  that  Englyshemen  sholde  be  destroyed  by  Danes,  by 
Frenshemen,  and  by  Scottes." 

The  prophetic  powers  of  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  seem  thus  to  have  been  suffi- 
ciently credited  to  give  importance  to  predictions  purporting  to  be  his  within  the 
twenty  years  that  followed  his  own  life-time ;  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  all  these 
early  references  agree  in  attributing  to  his  utterances  the  u  derne,"  "  obscure,"  and 
"  figurative  "  character  so  well  exemplified  in  those  still  preserved  as  his  j  also,  that 
the  writers  who  quote  them  agree  in  their  doubts  as  to  the  quarter  whence  Thomas 
derived  his  inspiration,  while  making  no  doubt  of  the  inspiration  itself. 

5.  We  have  equally  early  authority  for  his  poetical  abilities.  Eobert  Mannyng 
of  Brunne,  who  was  actually  a  contemporary  of  Thomas,  since  his  "  Handlyng  of 
Synne  "  was  written  in  1303,  appears  in  his  English  Chronicle,  written  about  1330, 
to  celebrate  him  as  "  the  author  of  an  incomparable  romance  of  the  story  of  Sir 
Tristrem."  After  stating  his  intention  of  telling  his  Story  of  England  in  the  sim- 
plest speech,  and  without  using  intricate  rhymes,  since  he  has  observed  that  such 
artificial  compositions,  though  they  may  exhibit  their  authors'  talent,  are  most 
spoiled  by  readers,  Mannyng  adds  as  an  illustration  of  this  : 


I  see  \n  song  in  sedgeyng  tale 
of  Erceldoun  &  of  Kendale, 
Non  J?am  says  as  fai  J?am  wroght, 
&  \n  \>er  sayng  it  semes  noght ; 
pat  may  fan  here  in  sir  Tristrem  ; 
oner  gestes  it  has  fa  steem, 
Oner  alle  fat  is  or  was, 
if  mene  it  sayd  as  made  Thomas  ; 
But  I  here  it  no  mane  so  say, 
fat  of  som  copple  som  is  away  ; 
So  fare  fayre  sayng  here  beforne 
is  fare  tmuayle  nere  forlorne  ; 


fai  sayd  it  for  pride  &  nobleye, 
fat  non  were  suylk  as  fai ; 
And  alle  fat  fai  wild  ouerwhere, 
Alle  fat  ilk  wille  now  forfare. 
fai  sayd  in  so  qwante  Inglis, 
fat  many  one  wate  not  what  it  is. 
farfore  [I]  henyed  wele  fa  more 
In  strange  ryme  to  trauayle  sore  ; 
And  my  witte  was  oure  thynne 
So  strange  speche  to  trauayle  in  ; 
And  forsoth  I  couth  [e]  noght 
so  strange  Inglis  as  fai  wroght. 


It  is  not  certain  whether  the  "  Thomas  "  here  is  Thomas  of  Erceldoun  or  Thomas 
of  Kendale ;  nor  indeed  that  the  first  four  lines  refer  to  the  same  subject  as  those 
that  follow :  Sir  Tristrem  may,  for  anything  that  appears,  be  a  third  example,  in 
addition  to  the  works  of  Erceldoun  and  Kendale,  of  the  liability  of  "qwante 


THOMAS   AS    A   POET.  —  SIR   TRISTREM. 


Xx 


Inglis  "  to  be  marred  by  reciters,  and  its  author  "  Thomas  "  may  not  be  the 
Erceldoun  of  the  second  line,  especially  as  the  earlier  German  versions  of  Sir 
Tristrem  quote  as  their  authority  one  Thomas  von  Brittanien,  or  Thomas  of 
Brittany,  who  must  have  lived,  whoever  he  was,  long  before  Thomas  of  Erceldoun. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Romance  of  Sir  Tristrem  in  the  Auchinleck  MS.,  supposed 
to  have  been  transcribed  about  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  which, 
though  it  has  been  altered  by  a  Southern  transcriber,  is  demonstrably  a  copy  of  an 
earlier  Northern  one,  begins  by  claiming  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  as  the  authority 
for  its  information,  in  terms  which  have  induced  Sir  Walter  Scott  and  others  to 
consider  the  romance  as  his  own  production  : 


I  was  at  Erceldoun  ' 
WiJ?  tomas  spak  y  f?are 

j?er  herd  y  rede  in  roune 
Who  tristrem  gat  &  bare 

Who  was  king  wi>  croun 
&  who  him  fosterd   are 


&  who  was  bold  baroim 
As  J>air  elders  ware 
bi  ^ere 
tomas  telles  in  toun 

J?is  auentours  as  j?ai  ware. 


In  stanzas  37-38  Thomas  is  mentioned,  at  the  point  where   Tristrem  found 
himself  left  on  an  unknown  shore  by  the  mariners  who  had  carried  him  off  from 


home 


J?o  tomas  asked  ay 

Of  tristrem  trewe  fere, 
To  wite  J?e  rijt  way, 

\>e  styes  for  to  lere  ; 
of  a  prince  proud  e  in  play 

Listnef?  lordinges  dere  ; 
Who  so  better  can  say, 

His  owhen  he  may  here, 
As  hende 

of  thing  J?at  is  him  dere 
Ich  man  preise  at  ende. 


In  o  robe  tristrem  was  boun, 

j?at  he  fram  schippe  hadde  brou^t  ; 
Was  of  a  blihand  broun, 

J?e  richest  }?at  was  wrou^t  ; 
As  tomas  tellejj  in  toun  ; 

He  no  wist  what  he  moujt, 
Bot  semly  set  him  doun, 

&  ete  ay  til  him  gode 
Ful  sone 

J?e  forest  for}?  he  sou^t 
When  he  so  hadde  done. 


In  Fytt  III,  stanza  45,  the  authority  of  "  Tomas  "  is  quoted  again  : 


Beliagog  }?e  bold 

As  a  fende  he  fau^t  ; 

Tristrem  liif  nei^e  he  sold, 
As  tomas  ha)?  ous  tau^t 

Tristrem  smot,  as  god  wold, 
His  fot  of  at  a  draujt  ; 


Adoun  he  fel  y  fold, 

J^at  man  of  michel  mau^t, 
&  cride 

"  Tristrem,  be  we  sau^t, 
&  haue  min  londes  wide." 


Notwithstanding  that  in  all  these  passages,  the  author  professes  to  have  learned 
his  tale  from  "  Thomas,"  Sir  Walter  Scott,  in  editing  Sir  Tristrem,  assumed  it  as 

1  This  word  is  cut  through  in  the  MS.  by  some  former  possessor  who  cut  out  the  illumina- 
tions ;  but  the  catchword  at  foot  of  preceding,  leaf  (280)  has  "y  was  at  erj?eldoun  "  (not 
erseldoun),  and  the  lower  part  of  the  word  including  the  \>  is  quite  clear  in  the  folio  itself. 
Erceldoun  for  Ertheldoun  may  be  the  scribe's  error  for  Ercheldoun  in  his  original. 


XX11  INTRODUCTION. 

undoubtedly  the  genuine  work  of  Erceldoune,  committed  to  writing  by  some  one 
who  had  learned  it  from  him  personally ;  and  started  a  theory  that  Thomas  had 
himself  collected  the  materials  from  the  Britons  of  Strathclyde,  and  that  his  work, 
being  thus  original  in  its  character,  was  the  source  of  the  numerous  versions  in  con- 
tinental languages  which  quote  one  "  Thomas  "  as  their  authority.  Dr  Irving,  in 
his  History  of  Scottish  Poetry,  also  considered  it  as  "  not  altogether  absurd  to  sup- 
pose that  he  was  nevertheless  the  real  author,  and  had  recourse  to  this  method  " 
\i.  e.  quoting  his  own  name  as  his  authority]  "  of  recording  his  own  claims,"  and  so 
preventing  reciters  from  claiming  the  romance  as  their  own  composition.  But  in 
the  additions  to  Warton's  History  of  English  Poetry  (editions  of  1824  and  1840) 
it  is  shown  that  not  only  did  the  romance  exist  in  several  European  languages  long 
before  the  days  of  Erceldoune,  but  that  the  "  Thomas  "  quoted  in  some  of  the  French 
and  German  poems  was  the  writer  of  one  of  the  French  versions  of  the  story,  who 
must  have  lived  before  1200 ;  that  this  French  version  was  apparently  the  original 
of  the  English  translation  in  the  Auchinleck  MS.,  and  that  while  it  is  doubtful 
whether  the  latter  be  the  work  referred  to  by  Eobert  of  Brunne,  it  is  still  more 
doubtful  whether  it  is  the  production,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  of  Erceldoune. 
Mr  Garnett,  in  summing  up  his  review  of  the  subject,  considers  it  proved,  "  1.  That 
the  present  Sir  Tristrem  is  a  modernized  [rather  a  southernized,  it  cannot  well  be  a 
much  more  modern]  copy  of  an  oldfer]  Northumbrian  romance,  written  probably 
between  1260  and  1300.  2.  That  it  is  not,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  an 
original  composition,  but  derived  more  or  less  directly  from  a  Norman  or  Anglo- 
Norman  source.  3.  That  there  is  no  direct  evidence  in  favour  of  Thomas  of  Ercel- 
doune's  claim  to  the  authorship  of  it,  while  the  internal  evidence  is,  as  far  as  it 
goes,  greatly  adverse  to  that  supposition.  It  is  however  by  no  means  improbable 
that  the  author  availed  himself  of  the  previous  labours  of  Erceldoune  on  the  same 
theme.  The  minstrels  of  those  days  were  great  plagiarists,  and  seldom  gave  them- 
selves the  trouble  of  inventing  subjects  and  incidents  when  they  found  them  ready 
prepared  to  their  hands."  Later  criticism  is  still  more  adverse  to  the  claims  of  Er- 
celdoune. Mr  Wright  thinks  it  most  probable  that  the  person  who  translated  the 
Auchinleck  version  from  the  French  original,  finding  a  "Thomas"  mentioned  therein, 
and  not  knowing  who  he  was,  "  may  have  taken  him  for  the  Thomas  whose  name 
was  then  most  famous,  viz.  Thomas  of  Erceldoune,  and  thus  put  the  name  of  the 
latter  to  his  English  edition."  I  must  confess  that,  looking  at  the  way  in  which 
the  name  and  authority  of  Erceldoune  were  afterwards  affixed  to  productions  with 
which  he  had  no  connexion,  Mr  Wright's  theory  seems  to  me  most  probable,  espe- 


THE  ROMANCE  OF  THOMAS  AND  THE  LADYE.  XX1U 

cially  as  this  English,  version  must  have  been  originally  by  a  northern  writer  who 
would  be  well  acquainted  with  Thomas's  name,  and  probably  wrote  soon  after  his 
death,  so  that  the  southernized  transcript  in  the  Auchinleck  MS.  could  be  made 
before  the  middle  of  the  14th  century.  But  the  Early  English  Text  Society  has 
Sir  Tristrem  in  its  list  for  early  reprinting,  when  the  question  of  the  origin  and 
authorship  of  the  romance  will  of  course  be  fully  discussed.  At  present  we  have 
only  to  note  that,  however  the  opinion  was  founded,  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  at  least 
passed  in  popular  estimation  as  a  poet  of  renown  within  thirty  years  after  his  own 
death. 

6.  In  the  twofold  character  of  poet  and  prophet,  thus  attributed  to  him  from  the 
earliest  period,  the  name  of  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  continued  to  be  venerated  for 
.many  centuries,  and  numerous  compositions  claiming  to  be  his,  or  at  least  to  derive 
their  authority  from  or  through  him,  are  still  preserved.    The  earliest  of  these  is  the 
poem  printed  in  the  following  pages,  the  completion  of  which,  from  internal  evidence, 
must  be  placed  shortly  after  1400,  or  about  a  hundred  years  after  Thomas's  death. 
It  represents  Thomas  as  meeting  "  a  lady  gaye,"  who  is  described  as  the  Queen  of  a 
realm  not  in  heaven,  paradise,  hell,  purgatory,  or  on  middel-erthe,  but  "another 
cuntre  "  from  all  these,  answering  to  the  Eae'rie  or  Fairy-land  of  later  tales,  but  no- 
where so  called  in  the  poem  itself.     Thomas  makes  love  to  her,  and  is  transported 
by  her  power  to  her  own  country,  where  he  dwells  for  three  years  and  more.     On 
his  dismissal,  necessary  to  prevent  his  seizure  by  a  foul  fiend  of  hell,  who  is  coming 
next  day  for  his  tribute,  he  asks  a  token  from  the  lady,  and,  in  compliance  with  his 
repeated  request  to  abide  and  tell  him  some  ferly,  she  proceeds  to  give  an  outline  in 
prophetic  form  of  the  wars  between  England  and  Scotland  from  the  time  of  Bruce 
to  that  of  the  death  of  Robert  III,  with  a  mysterious  continuation,  which  must  still 
rank  as  "  unfulfilled  prophecy,"  and  ending  with  a  reference  to  Black  Agnes  of 
Dunbar,  whose  death  is  predicted.     After  an  affectionate  farewell,  in  which  she 
promises  to  meet  Thomas  again  at  the  same  spot,  the  lady  leaves  him  and  takes  her 
way  to  Helmsdale. 

7.  In  regard  to  the  professed  authorship  of  this  poem,  we  meet  with  even  greater 
difficulty  than  in  Sir  Tristrem,  the  narrator  passing  from  the  first  to  the  third 
person,  and  from  the  third  to  the  first  again,  with  the  most  sudden  transition,  so 
that  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  it  even  claims  to  be  the  work  of  Thomas.     Thus 
in  the  first  72  lines  (including  the  prologue),  the  writer  describes  himself  as  lying 
on  Huntly  banks  himself  alone,  and  seeing  the  lady,  whose  array  he  describes  as  a 
professed  eye-witness  ;  but  in  line  73  it  is  : 


XXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

Thomas  laye  &  sawe  that  syghte 
Vndir-nethe  a  semly  tree  : 
He  sayd,  &c.  &c. 

Gyff  it  be  als  the  story e  sayes 
He  hir  mette  at  Eldone  Tree, 

and  so  on  for  200  lines,  the  author  describing  Thomas  and  his  actions  as  if  he  him- 
self had  them  only  by  hearsay,  till  in  1.  273  we  have  again  the  sudden  transition  to 

the  first  person  :  Thomas  duellide  in  that  solace 

More  than  j  ^owe  saye  parde  ; 
Till  one  a  day,  so  hafe  I  grace, 

My  lufly  lady  sayde  to  mee  ; 
Do  buske  the,  Thomas,  the  buse  agayne,  &c.  &c.  ; 

but  this  is  only  a  momentary  interruption,  for  the  narrator  immediately  speaks  of 
Thomas  again  in  the  third  person,  a  style  which  he  continues  to  the  end  of  the 
narrative.  In  the  prophecies  from  1.  317  to  672  the  speeches  of  Thomas  and  the  lady 
are  merely  quoted  without  even  as  much  as  an  introductory  "  he  said "  or  "  she 
said,"  so  that  nothing  can  be  determined  as  to  the  professed  narrator.  The  conclu- 
sion, however,  11.  673 — 700,  is  very  decidedly  narrative  in  the  third  person  : 

Scho  blewe  hir  home  on  hir  palfraye,  Of  swilke  an  hird  mane  wold  j  here 
Lefte  Thomas  vndir-nethe  a  tre  ;  That,  couth  Me  telle  of  swilke  ferly. 

To  Helmesdale  scho  tuke  the  waye  ,  Ihesu,  corouned  with  a  crowne  of  brere, 
And  thus  departede  scho  and  hee  I  Brynge  vs  to  his  heuene  So  hyee  ! 

where,  even  if  with  the  Cambridge  MS.  we  read  woman  for  hird  mane,  it  is  clearly 
the  wish  of  a  third  party  that  he  had  such  an  experience  as  Thomas  had,  and  not 
of  Thomas  himself. 

8.  But,  whoever  the  professed  author,  I  have  said  that  the  poem  in  its  present 
form  bears  evidence  of  being  later  than  1401,  the  date  of  the  invasion  of  Scotland 
by  Henry  IV,  or  at  least  1388,  the  date  of  the  Battle  of  Otterbourne,  the  last  of 
the  historical  events  "  hyd  vnder  obscure  wourdis  "  in  Fytt  II.  For  the  whole  of 
the  events  described  in  that  Fytt  are  really  historical  and  easily  identified,  pre- 
serving, with  a  single  important  exception,  the  chronological  order ;  and  this  part 
of  the  poem  must  have  therefore  been  composed  after  the  last  of  them  had  happened. 
But  of  the  events  predicted  in  Fytt  III,  after  the  second,  which  seems  to  refer  to 
Henry  IVs  invasion  of  the  country  in  1401,  I  cannot  make  any  such  sense,  and  I 
prefer  to  consider  these  as  real  predictions  or  expectations  of  the  future.  Moreover, 
the  oldest  MS.  of  the  poem,  the  Thornton,  itself  clearly  not  an  original,  dates  to 
1430 — 1440,  some  time  before  which  the  poem  must  have  existed  in  its  present 
form,  so  that  we  have  the  period  between  1402  and  1440,  with  strong  reasons  in 
favour  of  the  earlier  date,  for  its  completion.  But  portions  of  it  may  have  been 


THE   SECOND   FYTTE   OF   THE   PROPHECIES   HISTORICAL.  XXV 

earlier  even  than  this,  for  it  is  clearly  possible  that  the  prophecies  may  have  been 
altered,  added  to,  and  interpolated,  from  time  to  time,  since  each  incident  of  them 
is  separate,  and  easily  detachable  from  the  context.  There  seems  indeed  to  be 
evidence  of  very  early  treatment  of  this  kind  in  Fytt  II,  in  examining  which  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  events  therein  "  predicted  "  are 

The  failure  of  Baliol's  party  in  the  struggle  with  David  Bruce        1333 
the  battle  of  Halidon  Hill  1333 


The  battle  of  Falkirk    .  .  .  .  .  .1298 

the  battle  of  Bannockburn         .  .  .  »  .1314 

the  death  of  Eobert  Bruce         .  .  .  .  .1329 

the  invasion  and  partial  success  of  Edward  Baliol,  who  lands  at 

Kinghorn  .  .  .  .  .  .     1332 

the  battle  of  Dupplin  and  occupation  of  Perth  .  .     1332 

the  English  withdraw  to  the  Trench  war  .  .  .1337 

David  Bruce  fetched  from  France          ....     1342 

he  invades  England,  is  captured  at  Durham,  and  led  to  London     1346 
Scotland  again  invaded  by  Baliol  ....     1347 

Scotland  heavily  taxed  for  the  ransom  of  King  David  .  .     1357 

Eobert  Stewart  made  king        .  .  „  .  .     1370 

Douglas  invades  England,  and  slain  at  Otterbourne       .  .     1388 

Excluding  the  two  first  entries,  we  have  here  an  outline  of  the  chief  events  in 
Scotland  from  the  Battle  of  Ealkirk  under  "Wallace  to  that  of  Otterbourne  under 
-Eobert  II,  references  being  specially  numerous  to  the  period  of  the  Second  "War  of 
Independence  under  David  Bruce.  But  the  prediction  of  the  eventual  ruin  of 
Baliol's  party,  and  the  battle  of  Halidon  Hill — a  battle  "  that  shall  be  done  right 
soon  at  will,"  come  out  of  order  and  quite  apart  from  this  chronological  list,  as  if 
they  had  no  connexion  with  it,  while  they  are  also  intimately  connected  with  the 
introduction  of  this  Fytt,  and  Thomas's  request  to  the  lady — 

Telle  me  of  this  gentill  blode 

Wha  sail  thrife,  and  wha  sail  thee, 
Wha  sail  be  kynge,  wha  sail  be  none, 

And  wha  sail  welde  this  northe  countre  ? — 

a  question  as  to  the  conflicting  claim  of  the  Bruce  and  Baliol  families  scarcely  likely 
to  be  made  after  1400,  when  the  latter  line  was  extinct.  I  am  inclined  to  suppose, 
then,  that  this  part,  with  perhaps  Fytt  I,  the  conclusion,  and  an  indefinite  portion 
of  Fytt  III,  which  is  in  all  probability  a  melange  of  early  traditional  prophecies, 


XXVi  INTRODUCTION. 

may  have  been  written  on  the  eve  of  Halidon  Hill,  with  a  view  to  encourage  the 
Scots  in  that  battle ;  in  which  the  oldest  text,  it  will  be  observed,  makes  the  Scots 
win  with  the  slaughter  of  six  thousand  Englishmen,  while  the  other  texts,  wise 
after  the  fact,  make  the  Scots  lose,  as  they  actually  did. 

The  question  has  been  asked  before,  whether  the  "  fairy  tale  "  contained  in  Fytt 
I  is  not  distinct  from  the  "  prophetical  rhapsody "  to  which  it  serves  as  an  intro- 
duction, and  collectors  of  ballads  have  generally  answered  the  query  in  the  affirma- 
tive ;  thus  Jamieson,  in  editing  the  poem  in  his  "Popular  Ballads  and  Songs,"  is  of 
opinion  that  "  In  the  introduction  to  the  prophecies,  there  is  so  much  more  fancy 
and  elegance  than  in  the  prophecies  themselves,  that  they  can  hardly  be  supposed 
to  be  the  composition  of  the  same  person.  Indeed,  the  internal  evidence  to  the 
contrary  almost  amounts  to  a  proof  that  they  are  not."  Professor  Child,  also,  in  his 
"  English  and  Scottish  Ballads  "  (London,  1861),  vol.  I,  p.  95,  says,  "  the  two  '  fytts ' 
of  prophecies  which  accompany  it  (the  ballad)  in  the  MSS.  are  omitted  here, 
as  being  probably  the  work  of  another,  and  an  inferior,  hand."  Although  diffident 
of  venturing  an  opinion  at  variance  with  that  of  poets  and  poet-editors,  I  can 
hardly  think  that  Fytt  I  stands  alone.  Some  of  the  prophecies  may  be  later  than 
others,  but  I  think  that,  as  a  whole,  they  flow  so  naturally  from  the  tale,  as  a 
response  to  Thomas's  request  for  a  token  of  his  intercourse  with  the  Lady,  without 
any  trace  of  patching  or  awkward  joining,  as  to  preclude  the  suspicion  of  having 
been  afterwards  tacked  on.  As  to  their  style,  they  could  not  well,  from  their  nature, 
be  rendered  so  interesting  or  lively  as  the  ballad ;  yet  the  introduction  to  them,  as 
well  as  their  conclusion  and  the  parting  of  Thomas  and  the  Queen,  seem  not 
inferior  in  execution  to  any  part  of  Fytt  I. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  granted  that,  artistically  considered,  the  tale  of 
Thomas  and  the  Lady  is  far  too  long  and  minute  to  have  been  invented  as  a  mere 
introduction  to  the  prophecies,  and  I  willingly  admit  that  the  story,  perhaps  even 
in  a  poetic  dress,  may  have  existed  some  time  before  it  was  caught  up  and  told  anew 
as  an  introduction  and  passport  to  the  predictions.  The  reference  in  line  83, 

Gyff  it  be  als  the  story e  sayes, 
He  hir  mette  at  Eldone  tree, 

implies  that  there  was  in  existence  an  older  tale  of  Thomas  and  the  Queen,  which 
fixed  the  place  of  their  meeting.  If  we  are  to  suppose  that  part  of  the  work  as  it 
now  exists  is  as  old  as  Halidon  Hill,  we  are  taken  to  a  date  little  more  than  thirty 
years  after  Thomas's  own  time,  a  fact,  so  far  as  it  goes,  in  favour  of  the  idea  of  those 
who  think  that  this  older  tale  may  have  been  composed  by  Thomas  himself,  and 


THE   THIRD    FYTTE    OP    THE    PROPHECIES    LEGENDARY.  XXVii 

that  the  first-personal  style  of  parts  of  the  existing  ballad  may  have  been  transferred 
from  his  narrative. 

If  modern  editors  despise  the  prophecies,  and  look  upon  them  as  a  rubbishy 
addition  to  the  ballad,  it  is  very  clear,  that  early  scribes  thought  otherwise,  and 
that  it  was  to  the  respect  which  the  prophecies  inspired,  that  we  owe  so  many  MS. 
copies  of  the  poem  as  have  come  down  to  us ;  we  may  be  glad  that  their  appreciation 
of  the  relative  merits  of  the  parts  did  not  lead  them  all  to  do  like  the  scribe  of  the 
Sloane  MS.,  who  omits  Fytt  I,  and  dignifies  the  prophecies  alone  with  a  place 
in  his  pages.  In  addition  to  this  MS.  four  others  preserve  the  poem  more  or  less 
perfectly,  and  with  considerable  differences,  as  exhibited  in  the  following  text. 
These  MSS.  and  the  peculiarities  of  their  texts  will  be  described  hereafter;  it 
is  only  necessary  here  to  note  that  the  poem  appears  to  have  been  originally  by  a 
Scottish  author,  though  all  the  copies  of  it  now  exist  in  English  MSS.,  and  that  the 
strongly  northern  character  of  the  language  as  preserved  by  Robert  Thornton,  who, 
as  a  northern  Englishman,  would  leave  it  nearly  as  he  found  it,  is  more  or  less 
modified  in  the  others,  especially  in  the  Lansdowne  and  Sloane,  which  are  also 
comparatively  late  in  their  transcription.  The  various  modifications  introduced  by 
southern  or  midland  transcribers  may  be  well  seen  in  lines  357 — 372.  In  these 
repeated  transcriptions  also  the  proper  names  of  Scottish  families,  and  of  battles, 
have  suffered  so  much  at  the  hands  of  scribes  to  whom  they  were  devoid  of 
meaning,  as  often  to  become  quite  unintelligible.  The  results  of  the  battles  also  are 
often  altered  in  the  different  texts,  doubtless  because  the  transcribers  in  many  cases 
did  not  understand  the  application  of  the  predictions,  and  perhaps  patriotically 
changed  their  burden,  in  accordance  with  their  own  wishes  or  hopes. 

9. 1  look  upon  the  greater  part  of  the  predictions  in  Fytt  III  as  in  reality  adapt- 
ations of  legendary  prophecies,  traditionally  preserved  from  far  earlier  times,  and 
furbished  up  anew  at  each  period  of  national  trouble  and  distress  in  expectation  of 
their  fulfilment  being  at  length  at  hand.  The  origin  of  these  effusions  takes 
us  back  to  the  period  of  Arthur  himself,  and  the  expiring  efforts  of  the  Britons 
against  Saxon  conquest.  It  is  well  known  that  the  flush  of  enthusiasm  and  hope 
which  swelled  the  breasts  of  his  countrymen,  during  Arthur's  series  of  victories  over 
the  pagan  invaders,  was  too  fondly  cherished  to  be  willingly  renounced  on  his 
premature  removal  from  the  scene.  Their  hero  could  not  be  really  dead,  he 
had  only  withdrawn  from  them  for  a  while — gone  on  a  pilgrimage  to  a  far-off  land, 
retired  to  some  desert  sanctuary,  or  fallen  asleep  with  his  warriors  in  some  secret 
cavern, — and  would  yet  return  to  rule  "broad  Britaine  to  the  sea  "and  scatter 


XXViii  INTRODUCTION. 

the  Saxons  to  the  winds  of  heaven.1  "  Hicjacet  Arturus,  rex  olim  rexque  futurus  " 
— Here  lies  Arthur,  king  of  yore  and  king  to  be, — reported  to  have  been  found 
inscribed  on  his  coffin  at  Glastonbury,  represented,  it  is  certain,  the  sacred  belief  of 
his  people.  That  belief  was  common  to  all  the  relics  of  the  Cymric  race,  from 
Strathclyde  to  Cornwall,  and  the  shores  of  Armorica,  and  was  preserved  not  least 
faithfully  in  that  Northern  land,  which,  according  to  all  early  authority,  had 
witnessed  alike  Arthur's  most  splendid  achievements  and  his  death.  The  belief  in 
the  "kyd  conqueror"  yet  to  come  must  have  cheered  the  Cumbrian  Britons  during 
the  long  struggle  which  ended  in  their  incorporation  with  the  Scottish  monarchy, 
and  fusion  into  the  mingled  stock  which  produced  the  later  Scottish  nation.  Even 
after  that  fusion,  and  the  loss  of  their  ancient  tongue,  the  loss  even  of  all  memory 
of  the  actual  events  to  which  these  expectations  and  beliefs  and  dreams  of  the 
"good  time  coming"  originally  referred,  the  dreams  and  prophetic  aspirations 
themselves  survived,  as  dim  mysterious  legends  of  the  future,  foreboding  great 
national  crises,  perils,  and  deliverances.  Hence  the  legends  of-  "a  bastard  in 
wedlock  born,  who  should  come  out  of  the  west,"  "  a  chieftain  unchosen  that  shall 
choose  for  himself,  and  ride  through  the  realm  and  Roy  shall  be  called,"  "a 
chiftane  stable  as  a  stone,  stedfast  as  the  christull,  firme  as  the  adamant,  true  as  the 
steele,  immaculate  as  the  sun,  without  all  treason,"  whose  "scutifers  shal  skail 
all  the  faire  South,  fra  Dunbertane  to  Dover,  and  deil  al  the  lands — he  shall  be  kid 
conqueror,  for  he  is  kinde  lord,  of  al  Bretaine  that  bounds  to  the  broad  sea — " 
against  whom  in  vain 

the  Saxonys  shall  chose  them  a  Lord 
That  shall  make  them  greatly  to  fall  vnder. 
The  ded  man  shall  rise  :  and  make  them  accord 
And  this  is  much  wonder  and  slight, 
That  he  that  was  dead  and  buried  in  sight 
Shall  rise  again  and  live  in  the  land ; — 


1  A  similar  belief  was  cherished  by  the  Britons  as  to  Cadwaladyr,  son  of  Cadwallawn,  who, 
a  century  and  a  half  after  Arthur,  "waged,  in  conjunction  with  Penda,  a  successful  war 
against  the  Angles  of  Northumbria.  For  one  year  he  had  actually  been  in  possession  of  that 
kingdom,  and  his  successful  career  of  upwards  of  twenty  years  roused  the  courage  and  hopes 
of  the  Cymry  to  the  highest."  When  Cadwaladyr  died  in  the  pestilence  of  664,  his  country- 
men could  not  realize  that  he  was  gone  ;  "  the  death  was  denied,  and  he  was  said  to  have 
retired  to  Armorica,  whence  the  Cymry  looked  for  him  to  return,  and  re-establish  their  suprem- 
acy over  the  Angles." — Skene  :  The  Four  Welsh  Books,  vol.  I,  p.  75.  It  is  interesting  to  see 
that  this  British  legend  also  had  been  preserved  in  the  north.  "  The  prophecy  of  Merlin," 
afterwards  quoted,  has 

When  the  Calualider  of  Cornwall  is  called 
And  the  Wolfe  out  of  Wales  is  wencust  for  ay. 


ARTHURIAN    ORIGIN    OF   THE   LEGENDARY    PROPHECIES.  XXIX 

who  should  conquer  "  Gyane,  Gaskone,  and  Bretane  the  blyth,"  and 

turne  into  Tuskane  but  trety  or  true, 
And  busk  him  ouer  the  mountaines  on  mid  winter  euen, 
And  then  goe  to  Eome  and  rug  downe  the  walles, 
And  ouer  all  the  region  Roy  shall  be  holden  ; 

who  should  ride  with  pride  over  England  and  Scotland,  and  overthrow  all  false 
laws,  and  establish  righteousness,  till 

"  bothe  the  londes  breton  shal  be  ;  " 
who  should  finally,  like  a  true  Christian  knight,  die  in  the  Holy  Land — 

For  euerie  man  on  molde  must  de — 

But  end  he  shall  in  the  land  of  Christ 

And  in  the  valle  of  Josaphat  buried  shall  be. 

The  resemblance  of  many  of  these  expressions,  and  actual  identity  of  many  of 
the  epithets,  with  those  to  be  found  in  the  old  Northern  "  Morte  Arthur,"  and 
other  kindred  works,  is  very  notable. 

10.  During  the  wars  between  England  and  Scotland,  under  the  three  Edwards, 
and  after,  down  even  to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII,  these  scraps  of  old  traditional 
prophecy  were  eagerly  called  to  mind,  and  their  dim  light  anxiously  sought  for  in 
each  successive  crisis,  the  English,  as  we  may  suppose,  dwelling  specially  on  any 
passages  which  brought  the  "kyd  conqueror"  put  of  the  south,  or  spoke  of  his 
ruling  from  "  Cornwall  to  Caithness  all  Britain  the  broad,"  the  Scots  finding 
encouragement  in  the  promise  that  he  should  finally  extirpate  the  "  Saxons,"  a 
name  which,  from  its  being  used  by  their  Celtic  fellow-subjects  as  equivalent 
to  "  English  "  in  a  linguistic  or  ethnological  sense,  the  Lowlanders  now  adopted  as 
equivalent  to  "  English  "  in  the  political  sense.  Strictly  speaking,  they  also  were 
"  Sasunnach,"  or  Saxon,  to  the  Celts ;  but  the  effect  of  the  struggle  with  England 
was  to  make  them  disclaim  all  "  Saxon "  connexion,  and  to  use  the  term  only 
of  their  enemies  of  England.  Prior  to  the  death  of  Alexander  III,  Scotland  had 
enjoyed  peace  and  tranquillity  for  many  generations,  and  no  wonder  that  the 
sudden  outburst  of  calamity,  with  which  the  country  was  then  assailed,  stirred 
deeply  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  led  them  to  anticipate  that  the  mighty 
overturnings,  which  were  the  mysterious  burden  of  these  ancient  saws,  were  at 
length  at  hand. 

Is  it  too  much  to  suppose  that  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  may,  from  his  literary 
tastes,  have  been  a  repository  of  such  traditional  rhymes,  and  himself  have  counte- 
nanced the  application  of  their  mysterious  indications  to  the  circumstances  of  his 
country,  and  thus  to  some  extent  at  least  given  currency  to  the  idea  of  his  own 


XXX  INTRODUCTION". 

prophetic  powers  1  It  is  certain  at  least  that  many  of  these  ancient  fragments  were 
mixed  up  with  the  prophecies  attributed  to  him,  even  as  fragments  of  the  latter 
were  from  time  incorporated  in,  and  blended  with,  later  "  prophecies  "  or  prophetic 
compilations,  which  continued  to  be  supplied  whenever  the  demand  arose,  down  to 
the  union  of  the  Kingdoms,  and  to  be  reverenced  and  consulted  even  as  late  as  the 
Jacobite  risings  in  the  '15,  and  the  '45.  In  these  the  name  of  Thomas  Kymour  is 
associated  with  those  of  Merlin,  Bede,  Gildas,  and  others ;  and  collections  of  this 
mystic  literature,  such  as  the  Sloane  MS.  2578,  and  Lansdowne  762  in  the  British 
Museum,  from  which  two  of  the  following  texts  are  printed,  and  Rawlinson  C.  813 
in  the  Bodleian,  already  existed  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  when  Sir 
David  Lyndesay  entertained  the  boyhood  of  James  V  with 

The  prophisies  of  Rymour,  Beid,  and  Marlyng, 

and  the  author  of  the  "  Complaynt  of  Scotland"  in  1529  found  it  necessary  to 
warn  his  countrymen  against  "  diuerse  prophane  prophesies  of  merlyne,  and  vther 
aid  corruptit  vaticinaris,  the  quhilkis  hes  affermit  in  there  rusty  ryme,  that  Scotland 
and  ingland  sal  be  vndir  ane  prince,"  to  which  "  the  inglismen  gifis  ferme  credit." 
Merlin,  whose  name  takes  us  back  to  the  Arthur  period  itself,  was  evidently  the 
oldest  of  these  "  vaticinaris,"  and  at  one  time  the  most  venerated,  but  in  Scotland 
the  fame  of  Thomas  Kymour  gradually  outshone  that  of  all  his  rivals,  so  that 
his  pretended  sayings  were  interpolated,  and  even  his  authority  quoted,  to  give 
greater  authority  to  theirs.  This  is  well  seen  in  a  collection  of  these  occult  com- 
positions printed  in  Edinburgh  in  1603,  and  since  then  constantly  reprinted  down 
to  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  some  of  the  contents  of  which  must  have 
been  written  as  early  as  the  reign  of  the  Scottish  James  I  (died  1437),  while  of 
others,  MS.  copies  are  in  existence  belonging  to  the  same  century. 

11.  The  oldest  printed  edition  yet  discovered  bears  the  following  title:  "The 
Whole  prophecie  of  Scotland,  England,  and  some  part  of  Trance  and  Denmark,  pro- 
phesied bee.  meruellous  Merling,  Beid,  Bertlington,  Thomas  Rymour,  Waldhaue, 
Eltraine,  Banester,  and  Sibbilla,  all  according  in  one.  Containing  many  strange  and 
meruelous  things.  Printed  by  Robert  Waldegraue,  Printer  to  the  King's  most  Ex- 
cellent Maiestie.  Anno  1603."  To  the  goodly  fellowship  of  Prophets  here  exhibited 
the  later  editions  add  "  Also  Archbishop  Usher's  wonderful  prophecies." 

As  several  of  the  pieces  in  this  collection  quote  Thomas  by  name,  and  illustrate 
the  subject  of  this  volume,  it  seems  desirable  to  give  some  account  of  them.  The 
first  piece  is,  like  all  the  older  ones,  in  alliterative  verse,  arid  begins,  without  any 
title :— 


"THE  WHOLE  PROPHECIES  OF  SCOTLAND." — MERLIN.  xxxi 

Merling  sales  in  his  booke,  who  will  reade  right,  One  thousand  and  more  after  Christes  birth 

Althoght  his  sayings  be  vncouth,  they  shalbe  When  the  Calualider  of  Cornwall  is  called 

true  found  And  the  Wolfe  out  of  Wailes  is  win  cust  for  ay 

In  the  vij.  chap,  reade  who  so  will  Then  many  ferlie  shall  fall  &  many  folke  die. 

As  to  the  long-expected  return  of  Calualider,  or  Cadwaladyr,  see  p.  xxviii,  note. 
This  article  really  consists  of  three  distinct  compositions,  of  which  the  first  predicts 
that  a  "  Ereik  fostered  farre  in  the  South  "  shall  return  to  the  "  kyth  that  he  come 
from"  with  much  wealth  and  worship,  on  whose  arrival  in  Albanie  many  shall  laugh ; 
but  his  severity  will  soon  give  others  cause  to  weep  : 

At  his  owne  kinde  bloode  then  shall  he  begin  Two  bloodie  harts  shall  be  taken  with  a  false 
Choose  of  the  cheif  est  and  chop  of  there  heads,  traine, 

Some  haled  on  sleddes,  and  hanged  on  hie  And  derflie  dung  downe  without  any  dome. 

Some  put  in  prison  &  much  pain  shal  byde.  Ireland,  Orknay,  and  other  lands  manie 

In  the  month   of   Arrane   an   selcouth   shal  For  the  deth  of  those  two  great  dule  shall 
fall,  make — 

in  which  we  see  a  description  of  the  return  of  James  I.  from  his  detention  in  Eng- 
land, and  his  severity  against  the  family  of  his  uncle  who  had  prolonged  his 
captivity.  The  latter  part  of  this  passage  was  a  century  later  quoted  in  connexion 
with  the  execution  of  the  Eegent  Morton.  "  When  that  nobleman  was  committed 
to  the  charge  of  his  accuser,  captain  James  Stewart,  newly  created  Earl  of  Arran,  to 
be  conducted  to  his  trial  at  Edinburgh,  Spottiswoode  says  that  he  asked  '  Who  was 
earl  of  Arran  1 '  and  being  answered  that  Captain  James  was  himself  the  man,  after 
a  short  pause,  he  said,  'And  is  it  so?  I  know  then  what  I  may  look  for  !'  mean- 
ing, as  was  thought  that  the  old  prophecy  of  the  Falling  of  the  heart  (the  cognizance 
of  Morton)  by  the  mouth  of  Arran  should,  then  be  fulfilled.  Whether  this  was  his  mind 
or  not,  it  is  not  known ;  but  some  spared  not,  at  the  time  when  the  Hamiltons  were 
banished,  in  which  business  he  was  held  too  earnest,  to  say  that  he  stood  in  fear  of 
that  prediction,  and  went  that  course  only  to  disappoint  it.  But  if  it  was  so,  he 
did  find  himself  now  deluded  ;  for  he  fell  by  the  mouth  of  another  Arran  than  he 
imagined." — Spottiswoode,  313.  In  all  ages,  it  would  appear,  it  has  been  orthodox 
to  wrest  a  verse  of  prophecy  from  its  context  and  circumstances,  and  find  a  fulfil- 
ment for  it  in  spite  of  these. 

The  second  and  third  sections  of  this  piece  are  found  in  a  much  older  form  in 
the  Cambridge  University  Library  MS.,  Kk.  i.  5,  whence  they  were  printed  for  the 
E.  E.  T.  S.  by  Eev.  J.  R.  Luinby  in  1870.  (Bernardus  de  cura  rei  familiaris  ;  with 
(some  Early  Scottish  Prophecies,  &c.  p.  18.)  This  MS.  is  late  fifteenth  century, 
but  the  character  of  the  language  shows  it  to  be  a  copy  of  one  belonging  to  the  first 
half  of  that  century.  The  order  of  the  two  divisions  is  here  reversed,  the  first  part 


xxxii 


INTRODUCTION. 


of  the  poem  in  the  Cambridge  MS.,  lines  1 — 72  of  the  E.  E.  T.  S.  edition  being 
the  third  in  the  edition  of  1603,  and  following  lines  73 — 139,  which  forms  the 
second  part  in  the  Edinburgh  prophecy.  This  second  part  quotes  a  figure  found 
also  in  "  Thomas  of  Ersseldoune/'  and  recurring  in  almost  all  the  prophecies,  which 
thus  appears  in  the  older  copy  (line  103  of  Mr  Lumby's  copy). 

In  his  fay  re  forest  sail  ane  ern  bygye, 

And  mony  on  sail  tyne  thai-  lyff  in  the  mene  tyme  ; 

They  sail  founde  to  the  felde,  and  then  fersly  fyght, 

Apone  A  brode  mure  Jmr  sail  A  battell  be, 

Be-syde  a  stob  crose  of  stane  th&t  standis  on  A  mure  : 

It  sail  be  coueret  wyth  corsis  all  of  a  kyth, 

That  the  craw  sail  nocht  ken  whar  the  cross  standis. 

Compare  lines  567 — 576  of  Thomas ;  both  are  evidently  borrowed  from  some 
traditional  prophecy : — 


A  Kaven  shall  comme  ouer  the  moore, 
And  after  him  a  Crowe  shalle  flee, 

To  seeke  the  moore,  without(en)  rest 
After  a  crosse  is  made  of  stane 

Ouer  hill  &  dale,  bothe  easte  &  weste  ; 


Bot  wiete  wele,  Thomas,  he  sail  find  nane. 
He  sail  lyghte,  whare  the  crose  solde  bee 

And  holde  his  nebbe  vp  to  the  skye  ; 
And  drynke  of  gen  till  blode  and  free  ; 

Thane  ladys  waylowaye  sail  crye. 


This  section  does  not  quote  or  name  Thomas ;   it  ends  with  a  reference  to  the 
legend  of  "  wily  Vivien." 

For  bedis  buke  haue  I  seyn,  &  banysters !  als  ; 
And  merwelus  merlyne  is  wastede  away 
Wyth  A  wykede  womane — woo  mycht  sho  bee  ! — 
Scho  has  closede  him  in  a  cragge  of  cornwales  coste. 

The  third  part  is  in  rhyme,  with  much  alliteration,  and  begins — 
in  the  northe  halows  his 


Qwhen  the  koke 

nest, 

And  buskys  his  birdys  and  bunnys  to  flee, 
lhan  shall  fortune  his  frende  the  y&iiis  vp- 

caste, 
And  Rychte  shall  haue  his  Free  entree  ; 


Then  the  mone  shall  Eyse  in  the  northwest 

In  A  clowde  als  blak  as  the  bill  of  A  crawe  ; 
Then  shall  the  lyonne  be  lousse,  the  baldest 

&  best 

That  euer  was  in  brattane  sen  in  Arthuris 
daye. 


It  was  one  of  the  most  popular  prophecies  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centuries,  and  besides  forming,  as  already  mentioned,  the  first  half  of  Mr  Lumby's 
"  Ancient  Scottish  prophecy"  from  the  Cambridge  Kk.  MS.,  it  occurs  in  two  of  the 
MSS.  that  contain  "Thomas  of  Erceldoune" — viz.  in  Lansdowne  762,  fol.  65,  with 
the  title  "  Brydlington,"  and  twice  over  in  Sloane  2578  (leaves  15  &  and  100&). 
It  names  Thomas's  prophecy  as  an  authority,  and  mentions  several  of  the  mysterious 
episodes  of  the  third  fytte  of  our  romance ;  thus  : — 

1  "  William  Banister,  a  writer  of  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  The  Prophecies  of  Banister 
of  England  are  not  uncommon  among  MSS." — Warton.  Among  the  contents  of  Rawl.  C.  813 
is  "Pars  visionis  Domini  Willielmi  JBanistre,  milytis"  (leaf  142  Z>). 


"THE  WHOLE  PROPHECIES  OP  SCOTLAND." — BEDE.  xxxiii 

At  Sandyfurde,  for-suthe,  in  the  south  syde, 

A  pruude  prunce  in  the  prese  lordly  sail  lythe, 
Wyth  balde  bernes  in  bushment  the  batell  sail  mete  ; 

Thar  sail  profecy  proffe  that  thomas  of  tellys,  &c. 

Betuix  Setone  and  the  See  sorow  sail  be  wrought. 

Then  the  lyonne  wytht  the  lyonisses  efter  thai  sail  Reigne  ; 

Thus  bretlingtone  bukis  and  bawestre  us  tellis, 
Merlyne  and  mony  moo  that  mene  of  may  mene, 

And  the  expositwis  Wigythtoune  &  thomas  wytht-all  iellis. 

In  the  printed  edition  of  1603  the  two  last  lines  run  : — 

Merling  &  many  more  that  with  meruels  melles 
and  also  Thomas  Rymour  in  his  tales  telles. 

What  follows  is  also  reproduced  in  many  later  prophecies  : — • 

Sone  at  the  Saxonis  -shall  chese  {?ame  a  lorde,  He  that  is  dede  ande  beryde  in  syght 

And  full  sone  bryng  hyme  at  \nder,  Sail  Ryse  ayane,  and  lyffe  in  lande, 

A  dede  maw  sail  make  [thame]  A-corde  In  comforte  of  A  yhong  knyght 

And  that  sail  be  full  mekyl  wonder.  That  fortoune  has  schose  to  be  hir  husbande. 

The  "  prophecie  of  Beid,"  the  second  in  the  collection,  appeals  to  Thomas  for 
confirmation,  and  mentions  Sandeford,  as  in  1.  624  of  our  Eomance : — 

Who  so  trusts  not  this  tale,  nor  the  tearme  knowes, 
Let  him  on  Merling  meane,  and  his  merrie  words, 
And  true  Thomas  tolde  in  his  time  after 
At  Sandeford  shall  be  seen  example  of  their  deeds. 

Bede  died  five  hundred   and   fifty  years   before  True  Thomas ;    but  clearly  the 
support  of  the  latter  was  too  valuable  to  be  sacrificed  to  a  trifling  question  of  dates  ! 
His  prophecy  is  specially  directed  to  Berwick- on-Tweed,  formerly  the  first  of 
the  four  great  burghs  of  Scotland,  but  now,  alas  !  in  the  grip  of  the  English  : 

Though  thou  be  subiect  to  the  Saxons,  sorrow  thou  not, 
Thou  shall  be  loosed  at  the  last,  belieue  thou  in  Christ .! 

The  year  MCCCCLXXX  is  indicated  by  a  method  of  which  many  imitations 
occur  after,  for  the  prophets  had  on  the  whole  but  little  original  genius,  and  when 
one  of  them  started  game,  however  poor,  the  rest  all  followed  in  the  chase  till  it  was 

done  to  death  : — • 

Who  so  doubts  of  this  dead  or  denyes  heereon, 
I  doe  them  well  for  to  know,  the  dait  is  deuised, 
Take  the  formest  of  midleird,  &  marke  by  the  selfe         [M] 
With  foure  crescentes,  closed  together,  [COCO] 

Then  of  the  Lyon  the  longest  see  thou  choose  [L] 

Loose  not  the  Lyones,  let  her  lye  still, 
If  thou  castes  through  care,  the  course  of  the  heauen, 
take  Sanctandrois  Crose  thrise  [XXX] 

Keep  well  these  teachments  as  Clarkes  hath  tolde 
thus  beginnes  the  dait,  deeme  as  thou  likes, 
thou  shall  not  ceis  in  that  seit  assumed  in  the  text. 
ERC1LDOUN,  C 


XXXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

The  year  1480  was  that  in  which  James  III  allowed  himself  to  be  enticed  "by 
the  King  of  France  into  breaking  the  truce  with  Edward  IV,  as  a  result  of  which 
Berwick  was  captured  by  the  English  in  1482,  and  in  spite  of  the  prophecy,  which 
was  no  doubt  composed  or  compiled  soon  after,  was  never  again  recovered  by 
Scotland.  As  to  the  influence  which  pretended  prophecies  had  upon  the  conduct 
of  the  king  at  this  very  time,  see  Ty tier's  History  of  Scotland,  p.  214.  Nor  was 
the  belief  in  such  occult  agencies  less  powerful  in  England  :  see  Greene's  History 
of  the  English  People,  p.  268. 

"  The  prophecie  of  Merlyne,"  which  follows,  after  16  lines  of  alliterate  rhyme, 
beginning — 

It  is  to  fal  when  they  it  finde  The  Beare  his  musal  shal  vpbinde, 

that  fel  on  face  is  faine  to  flee  And  neuer  after  bund  shal  be 

That  commed  are  of  strodlings  strinde,  Away  the  other  shal  w£xe  with  winde 
Waxing  through  the  worke  of  winde  And  as  they  come  so  shall  they  flee — 

introduces  an  ancient  alliterative  poem  of  marked  Arthurian  cast,  which  I  have 
reprinted  in  my  Introduction  to  the  "  Complaynt  of  Scotland,"  p.  xlvi.  From  its 
contents,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  it  may  have  been  compiled  shortly  after  the 
death  of  Alexander  III,  and  I  think  the  description  of  the  "  kid  conqueror  "  and 
"  kind  lord  of  all  Bretaine  that  bounds  to  the  broad  See,"  is  clearly  derived  from 
obscure  legends  of  the  expected  return  of  Arthur. 

"  The  prophecie  of  Bertlingtoii " — the  Brydlyngton,1  to  whom  the  Lansdowne 
MS.  attributes  the  "  Cok  in  the  North  "  prophecy — is  a  medley  of  older  fragments 
of  various  ages,  some  alliterative,  some  in  rhyme,  some  in  both,  and  some  in  neither, 
ingeniously  adapted  and  fitted  together,  and  interpolated  with  others  here  first  met 
with,  about  the  son  of  a  French  wife,  a  descendant  of  Bruce  within  the  ninth 
degree,  who  should  unite  England  and  Scotland  in  one  kingdom.  This,  which  be- 
came in  the  sequel  by  far  the  most  famous  of  all  the  prophecies,  was  skilfully 
analyzed  by  Lord  Hailes  in  his  "  Eemarks  on  the  History  of  Scotland  "  (Edin.,  1773), 
and  shown  to  have  been  intended  originally  for  John,  Duke  of  Albany,  son  of 
Alexander,  brother  of  James  III  and  his  French  wife,  the  daughter  of  the  Count  of 
Boulogne,  who  came  to  Scotland,  after  the  death  of  James  IY  in  the  Battle  of 
Flodden,  and  from  whose  regency  great  things  were  hoped.  Lord  Hailes,  however, 
has  inadvertently  accused  the  author  of  inventing  many  things,  which  he  really 
found  in  prophecies  of  the  preceding  century,  and  transferred,  as  they  were  still 

1  "  John  Bridlington,  an  Augustine  Canon  of  Bridlington  in  Yorkshire,  who  wrote  3  books 
of  '  carmina  vaticinaliaj  in  which  he  pretends  to  foretell  many  accidents  that  should  happen 
to  England.  MSS.  Digby,  Bibl.  Bodl.  89  and  186.  He  died,  aged  60,  in  1379,  and  was  canon- 
ized."—  Warton. 


"THE  WHOLE  PROPHECIES  OP  SCOTLAND." — BERTLINGTON. 


xxxv 


unfulfilled,  to  his  own  prediction,  honestly  believing,  no  doubt,  that  they  were  now 
to  be  accomplished.  Such  were  the  prediction  that  Albany  should  land  in  the 
Forth  (which  he  did  not),  and  the  "thrice  three  "  years  after  '13,  given  him  for  the 
performance  of  his  doughty  deeds  (which  he  utterly  failed  to  do).  He  starts  with 
alliterative  verse  : — 

When  the  Ruby  is  raised,  rest  is  there  none, 

But  much  rancour  shal  rise  in  River  &  plane. 

Throw  a  tretie  of  a  true,1  a  trayne  shal  be  made, 

That  Scotland  shal  rew,  and  Ingland  for  ever, 

For  the  which  Gladsmoore,  &  Gouan  mure  gapes  thereafter. 

Then,  an  adaptation  of  some  lines  in  the  prophecy  of  Merlin  introduces  the 
new  prediction  : — 


And  then  shall  come  againe  riding 

With  eyes  that  men  may  see, 
At  Aberladie  he  shall  light 

With  hempen  halters  &  hors  of  tree  ; 
On  Gosforde  greene  it  shall  be  scene, 

On  Gladsmoore  shall  the  battle  be. 
Now  Albanie  thou  make  the  boun, 

At  his  bidding  he  thou  prompt,  [?  yare] 
He  shal  deile  both  towre  and  towne, 

His  guiftes  shal  stand  for  euer  more. 

[?  mare] 
Then  boldly  boun  the  thereafter. 


Betwixt  Temptallon  &  the  Basse 

thou  shall  see  a  right  faire  sight, 

Of  barges  &  bellingars,  and  many  broad  saile, 

With  iij  Libertes  and  the  flourdelice  hie  vpon 

hight 
And  so  the  dreadful  Dragon  shall  rise  from 

his  den 
And  from  the  deepe  doughtelie  shall  draw  to 

the  height. 
Of  Bruce's  left  side  shall  spring  out  a  leif, 

As  neere  as  the  ninth  degree, 
And  shall  be  flemed  of  faire  Scotland 

In  France  farre  beyond  the  see  ; 

The  original  of  this  is  in  the  "  Ancient  Scottish  Prophecy,"  No.  1  in  E.  E.  T.  S., 
No.  42,  edited  by  Mr  Lumby,  already  referred  to  : — 

Fra  bambrwgh  to  the  basse  on  the  brayde  See, 

And  fra  farnelande  to  the  fyrth  salbe  a  fayr  syghfc 

O  barges  and  ballungerys,  and  mony  brod  sayle  : 

and  the  lybberte  with  the  flurdowlyss  sail  fayr  ther  apon. 

Thar  sal  A  huntter  in  hycht  come  fra  the  Southe. 

Wyth  mony  Rechis  on  Raw  Rewleyd  full  Ryght. 

Then  the  stob-cross  and  the  crow,  the  dead  man  rising,  and  Gladsmoor,  as  before  : — 


Upon  a  broad  moore  a  battle  shal  be, 

Beside  a  stob  crose  of  stone, 
Which  in  the  Moore  stands  hie, 
It  shal  be   clearly  cLed  ouer  with  corps   of 

knights, 
That  the  crow  may  not  find  where  the  crose 

stoode, 

Many  wife  shal  weepe,  and  Sice  shall  vnder, 
the  ded  shal  rise,  and  that  shal  be  wonder, 


And  rax  him  rudely  in  his  shire  shield, 
For  the  great  comfort  of  a  new  King. 
Now  hye  the  powok  with  thy  proud  showes, 
Take  thy  part  of  the  pelfe  when  the  pack  opens. 
It  shall  not  be  Gladsmoore  by  the  sey 
It  shall  be  Gladsmoore  where  euer  it  be 
And  the  little  lowne  that  shall  be 
Is  betuixt  the  Lowmond  and  the  sea. 


1  True,  trew,  the  proper  singular  of  trewis,  treives,  truce,  now  treated  in  English  as  a 
singular  ;  Fr.  treve,  pi.  treves. 


XXXVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


Then, — after  much  alliterative  matter  about  a  hound  out  of  the  south,  an  Egle 
out  of  the  north,  a  Ghost  out  of  the  west,  and  the  bastard  in  wedlock  born,  as  in 
Thomas,  to  do  doughty  deeds,  and  bring  all  to  peace  again, — comes  a  clearer 
delineation  of  Albany,  several  quotations  from  Thomas  and  Merlin,  and  appeals  to 
them  and  Bede  for  confirmation,  ending  appropriately  with  an  Arthur  bit  to  clench 

all:— 

How  euer  it  happen  for  to  fall, 

The  Lyon  shal  be  Lord  of  all. 

The  French  wife  shal  beare  the  sonne, 
Shal  welde  al  Bretane  to  the  sea, 

And  from  the  Bruce's  blood  shall  come. 

As  near  as  the  ninth  degree. 
Meruelous  Merling  that  many  men  of  tells, 
And  Thomas  sayings  comes  all  at  once 
Thogh  their  sayings  be  selcouth,  they  shal  be  suith  found. 
And  there  shal  all  our  glading  be, 

The  Crowe  shal  sit  upon  a  stone 
And  drink  the  gentle  blood  as  free 

Take  of  the  ribes,  and  beare  to  her  birdes, 
As  God  hath  said,  so  must  it  be, 

Then  shal  Ladies  laddes  wed, 

And  brooke  Castles,  and  Towers  hie. 
Bede  hath  breued  in  his  booke,  and  Banister  also, 
Meruelous  Merling,  and  al  accordes  in  one, 
Thomas  the  trew,  that  neuer  spake  false 
Consents  to  their  saying,  &  the  same  terme  hath  taken, 
Yfet  shall  there  come  a  keene  Knight  ouer  the  salt  sea, 

A  keene  man  of  courage,  and  bolde  man  of  armes, 
A  Duke's  son  doubled,  a  born  man  in  France, 

That  shal  our  mirthes  amend,  and  mend  all  our  harmes, 
After  the  date  of  our  Lord  1513.  &  thrise  three  there  after, 
Which  shal  brooke  al  the  braid  He  to  him  selfe, 
Betwixt  xiij.  and  thrise  three  the  Threip  shal  be  ended, 
the  Saxons  shal  neuer  recouer  after, 
He  shal  be  crowned  in  the  kith,  in  the  Castle  of  Douer, 
Which  weares  the  golden  garland  of  Julius  Cesar 
More  worship  shal  he  win,  of  greater  worth, 
Than  euer  Arthur  himselfe  had  in  his  daies, 
Many  doughtie  deedes  shal  he  doe  there  after, 
Which  shal  be  spoken  of  many  dayes  better. 

I  have  treated  this  composition  at  greater  length,  because  it  illustrates  very 
clearly  the  history  of  the  prophecies  generally,  which  were  formed  by  compiling  the 
unfulfilled  portions  of  older  predictions  already  current,  and  giving  them  point  and 
application  to  events  now  in  view  or  expectation.  The  prophecy  of  the  French 
wife's  son  was  a  very  striking  one,  and  was  fondly  cherished  by  the  nation.  After 
miserably  failing  in  its  original  application  to  Albany,  it  was  served  up  again  and 
again  in  new  combinations  all  through  the  sixteenth  century. 


"THE  WHOLE  PROPHECIES  OF  SCOTLAND." — THOMAS  RYMOUR.         xxxvii 

It  reappears  in  the  next  piece  in  the  collection  of  1603,  "the  prophecie  of 
Thomas  Kymour  "  himself,  which,  from  its  nominal  connexion  with  the  subject  of 
this  work,  I  print  entire  in  the  Appendix.  Although,  unconnected  with  the  older 
poem,  it  bears  a  considerable  resemblance  to  it  in  imagery.  There  is  a  vision  of 
a  lady  on  a  "  louely  lee,"  whose  mount  and  array  is  fully  described,  and  several 
lines  and  couplets  are  actually  taken  from  the  older  Thomas.  It  seems  originally  to 
have  appeared  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Flodden,  referring  in  lines  109 — 125  to  the 
doubtful  fate  of  James  IV,  and  in 

The  sternes  three  that  day  shall  die, 
That  beares  the  harte  in  silver  sheen, — 

to  the  death  of  the  heir  of  the  house  of  Douglas. 

But  it  seems  to  have  been  interpolated  to  suit  the  time  of  the  battle  of 
Pinkie,  which  is  cleverly  identified  with  the  "  Spyncarde  clow  "  in  line  496  of  our 
Romance.  Now  also  the  prediction  of  "  the  French  Wife  "  and  her  son  was  added 
to  the  prophecy,  being  awkwardly  interpolated  into  an  inquiry  as  to  the  narrator's 
name,  at  the  close.  The  origin  of  this  prediction,  forty  years  before,  being  now 
quite  forgotten,  it  was  accepted  as  a  genuine  deliverance  of  the  Rymour  himself, 
and  continued  to  be  held  in  the  highest  credit  as  his.  It  was  applied  to  Queen 
Mary,  as  having  been  the  wife  of  a  French  prince,  by  the  poet  Alexander  Scott  in 
his  "  New  Year's  Address  to  the  Queen,"  and  finally,  when  her  son  James  YI  actu- 
ally succeeded  to  the  English  throne,  the  renown  of  Thomas  as  the  accredited  author 
of  the  prophecy  filled  all  Britain,  and  excited  attention  even  beyond  the  seas. 

"  The  prophecie  of  Waldhaue," *  which  comes  next,  is  in  fine  alliterative 
measure,  reminding  one  in  its  commencement  of  "  Piers  Plowman  "  : — 

Upon  Loudon  Law  a  lone  as  I  lay 
Looking  to  the  Lennox,  as  me  leif  thought, 
The  first  morning  of  May,  medicine  to  seeke 
For  malice  and  melody  that  moued  me  sore. 

While  in  this  situation  the  author  "  hears  a  voice  which  bids  him  stand  to  his 
defence  ;  he  looks  round,  and  beholds  a  flock  of  hares  and  foxes  pursued  over  the 
mountains  by  a  savage  figure,  to  whom  he  can  hardly  give  the  name  of  a  man.  At 
the  sight  of  Waldhave,  the  apparition  leaves  the  object  of  his  pursuit,  and  assaults 
him  with  a  club.  Waldhave  defends  himself  with  his  sword,  throws  the  savage  to 
the  earth,  and  refuses  to  let  him  rise  till  he  swear,  by  the  law  and  leid  he  lives 

1  St  Waldhave  or  Waltheof,  the  most  famous  of  the  early  abbots  of  Melrose  (1148 — 1159), 
was  grandson  of  the  great  Earl  Waltheof,  by  his  daughter  Matilda,  wife  of  Simon  de  St  Liz, 
earl  of  Northampton,  and  afterwards  of  David  I.  His  life,  full  of  miraculous  legends,  was 
written  by  Josceline,  a  monk  of  Furuess  Abbey. 


xxxviii  INTRODUCTION. 

• 

upon,  '  to  do  him  no  harm.'  This  done,  he  permits  him  to  rise,  and  marvels  at 
his  strange  appearance  : — 

He  was  formed  like  a  freike,  all  his  foure  quaters 
And  then  his  chin  and  his  face  haired  so  thick, 
With  haire  growing  so  grime,  fearful  to  see. 

He  answers  briefly  to  Waldhave's  inquiry  concerning  his  name  and  nature,  that 
he  'drees  his  weird,'  i.  e.  endures  his  fate,  in  that  wood;  and  having  hinted  that 
questions  as  to  his  own  state  are  offensive,  he  consents  to  tell  '  the  fate  of  these 
wars,'  and  concludes  with — 

Go  musing  upon  Merlin  if  thou  wilt 
For  I  mean  no  more,  man,  at  this  time." 

The  whole  of  this  scene  is  exactly  similar  to  the  meeting  of  Merlin  and 
Kentigern  as  related  by  Fordun.  Merlin's  prophetic  outpourings  consist  chiefly 
of  short  apostrophes  to  the  principal  towns  and  fortresses  of  Scotland;  for 

What  Jangelst  thou  Jedburgh,  thou  Jages  for  nought, 
there  shal  a  gyleful  groom  dwel  thee  within, 
The  Towre  that  thou  trustes  in,  as  the  truth  is, 
Shal  be  traced  with  a  trace,  trow  thou  non  other. 

The  next  piece, — "  Here  followeth  how  Waldhaue  did  coniure  this  Spirit  to 
shew  much  more  of  sindrie  things  to  come,  as  foloweth," — seems  to  be  a  later  com- 
pilation, made  up  of  pieces  from  the  older  prophecies  in  the  name  of  Merlyne  and 
true  Thomas.  The  transactions  of  "  the  Lillie,  the  Lyon,  and  the  Libbart,"  form 
its  immediate  burden,  but  it  quotes  the  legend  of  the  dead  man  rising  again, — 

'  as  meruelous  Merling  hath  said  of  before.' 
There  are  also  many  references  to  Thomas  : — 

The  first  roote  of  this  war  shal  rise  in  the  north, 

That  the  lies  and  Ireland  shal  mourne  for  them  both, 

And  the  Saxons  seased  into  Brutes  landes. 

This  is  a  true  talking  [takyn]  that  Thomas  of  tells, 

that  the  Hare  shal  hirpil  on  the  hard  stones, 

In  hope  of  grace,  but  grace  gets  she  non, 

Then  Gladsmoore  and  Gouane  shal  gape  there  after. 

The  "token"  here  alluded  to  is  in  the  very  ancient  prophecy  of  Thomas  to  the 
Countess  of  Dunbar,  in  the  Harleian  piece  already  quoted  (p.  xviii).  The  date 
fixed  on  seems  to  be  1485,  and  the  prophecies  of  Merling,  Bede,  Thomas  and 
"VValdhave,  are  quoted  as  already  existing  : — 


''THE  WHOLE  PROPHECIES  OP  SCOTLAND." — WALDHAVE.  xxxix 

When  the  Moone  is  dark  in  the  first  of  the  number,  [M] 

With  foure  Crescentes  to  eik  forth  the  daies  [CCCC] 

And  thrise  ten  is  selcouth  to  see,  [XXX] 

With  a  L.  to  lose  out  the  rest  of  the  number,  [L] 

Syne  let  three  and  two  Threipe  as  they  will  [V] 

This  is  the  true  date  that  Merling  of  tells, 

And  gaue  to  King  Uter,  Arthures  father  : 

And  for  to  mene  and  muse  with  there  merrie  wordes, 

For  once  Brittaine  shal  be  in  a  new  knightes  handes, 

Who  so  hap  to  byde  shall  see  with  his  eies, 

As  Merling  and  Waldhaue  hath  said  of  before, 

And  true  Thomas  told  in  his  time  after, 

And  Saint  Beid  in  his  booke  breued  the  same, 

Mute  on  if  ye  may,  for  mister  ye  haue, 

I  shal  giue  you  a  token  that  Thomas  of  tells, 

When  a  lad  with  a  Ladie  shal  goe  ouer  the  fields, 

And  many  faire  thing  weeping  for  dread, 

For  loue  of  there  dear  freindes  lies  looking  on  hilles, 

That  it  shal  be  woe  for  to  tel  the  teind  of  there  sorrow. 

The  token  of  the  "Lad,"  or  man-servant  and  "the  Lady,"  is  found  both  in  the 
old  Harleian  piece  and  our  Eomance ;  in  the  former,  among  the  paradoxical  things 
to  happen  before  the  war's  end — 

When  ry^t  and  wrong  ascentej?  to  gedere, 
When  laddes  weddej?  levedies  ; 

in  the  latter,  1.  651,  as  a  result  of  the  carnage  in  the  last  battle  at  Sandyford, 

ladys  shalle  wed  laddys  ^yng, 
when  \>er  lordis  ar  ded  away. 

See  the  same  figure  repeated  in  the  "Prophecie  of  Eertlington,"  already  cited, 
p.  xxxvi. 

Waldhave's  pieces  are  followed  by  "the  Scottes  prophesies  in  Latine,"  and 
"  the  prophesie  of  Gildas,"  seemingly  directed  against  reformation  in  the  church. 
Older  still  than  Bede  by  three  centuries,  Gildas,  to  do  homage  to  Thomas,  still 
more  daringly  defies  chronology  : — 

Prepare  thee,  Edinburgh,  &  pack  up  thy  packes, 
thou  shalt  be  left  void,  be  thou  leif  or  loath, 
Because  thou  art  variant,  and  flemed  of  thy  faith 
throgh  Envie  &  couetousnes  that  cumbered  thee  euer. 
True  Thomas  me  told  in  a  troublesome  time 
In  a  haruest  morning  at  Eldound  hilles. 

Passing  "  the  prophecie  of  the  English  Chronicles,"  an  extract  from  Higden, 
we  come  to  "  the  prophecie  of  Sibylla  and  Eltraine,"  which  appears  to  refer  to  the 
troubles  during  the  regency  of  the  Earl  of  Arraij  in  the  minority  of  Mary  : — 


xl 


INTRODUCTION. 


When   the   Goate  with   the  gilden  home  is 

chosen  to  the  sea 

The  next  yeare  there  after  Gladsmoore  shal  be 
Who  so  likes  for  to  reade, 
Mereuelous  Marling  and  Beid, 
In  this  maner  they  shal  proceede, 
Of  thinges  unknowne 
the  truth  now  to  record, 
And  that  from  the  date  of  our  Lord, 
Though  that  it  be  showne, 
take  a  thousand  in  Calculation  [M] 


And  the  longest  of  the  Lyon,  [L] 

Foure  Crescentes  under  one  Crowne    [CCCC] 
With  Saint  Andrews  Grose  thrise,        [XXX] 
then  threescore  and  thrise  three,         [LX.IX] 
Take  tent  to  Merling  truly, 
Then  shal  the  warres  ended  be 
And  neuer  againe  rise. 

In  that  yeare  there  shal  ring 
A  Duke  and  no  crowned  king. 
Because  the  prince  shall  be  young 
and  tender  of  yeares. 


"The  date  above  hinted  at  seems  to  be  1549,  when  the  Regent,  by  means  of 
some  succours  derived  from  France,  was  endeavouring  to  repair  the  consequence  of 
the  fatal  Battle  of  Pinkie.  Allusion  is  made  to  the  supply  given  to  the  Moldi- 
warte  [England]  by  the  fained  hart  [the  Earl  of  Angus].  The  regent  is  described 
by  his  bearing  the  antelope ;  large  supplies  are  promised  from  France,  and  com- 
plete conquest  promised  to  Scotland  and  her  Allies." 


Thus  shall  the  warres  ended  be 
Then  peace  and  pollicie 
Shall  raigne  in  Albanie 
Still  without  end, 


And  who  so  likes  to  looke, 
The  description  of  this  booke, 
This  writes  Beid  who  will  looke. 
And  so  doth  make  an  end. 


"  Thus  was  the  same  hackneyed  stratagem  repeated,  whenever  the  interest  of  the 
rulers  appeared  to  stand  in  need  of  it." 

Happily  the  need  was  not  to  last  for  ever.  That  Union,  so  long  expected,  and 
so  oft  deferred,  of  England  and  Scotland,  under  one  sovereign  was  at  length  accom- 
plished. To  add  lustre  to  it,  the  Queen  of  Sheba  and  the  Cumaean  Sibyl  are  rolled 
into  one,  and  furnish  the  crowning  "  prophecy  "  of  the  book  : — 

"  Heere  followeth  a  prophesie  pronounced  by  a  Noble  Queene  and  matron 
called  Sibylla  Regina  Austre.  That  came  to  Solomon  throgh  the  which  she  com- 
piled foure  bookes  at  the  instance  and  request  of  the  said  King  Solomon  and 
others  diuers,  and  the  fourth  booke  was  directed  to  a  noble  King  called  Baldwine, 
King  of  the  broade  He  of  Bretaine  :  of  the  which  she  maketh  mention  of  two 
Noble  princes  and  Emperours  the  which  is  called  Leones  of  these  two  shall  subdue 
and  ouercome  all  earthlie  princes,  to  their  Diademe  &  Crowne,  and  also  be  glorified 
and  crowned  in  the  heauen  among  Saints.  The  firste  of  these  two,  Is,  Magnus 
Constantinus  that  was  Leprosus,  the  Son  of  S.  Helene  that  found  the  Croce.  The 
second  is,  the  Sixte  King  of  the  name  of  Steward  of  Scotland  the  which  is  our, 
most  Noble  King  ! " 

12.  It  was  in  the  year  that  James  VI  ascended  the  English  throne  that 
the  prophecies,  having  at  length  been  accomplished,  were  in  greatest  credit  and 
renown.  Robert  Birrell,  in  his  Diary,  tells  us  that  "at  this  time  all  the  haill 
commons  of  Scotland  that  had  red  or  understanding,  wer  daylie  speiking  and 


INFLUENCE    OF    THOMAS    AT    THE    UNION,    AND    IN    1746.  Xli 

exponing  of  Thomas  Rymer  hes  prophesie,  and  of  vther  prophesies  quhilk  wer 
prophesied  in  auld  tymes."  John  Colville,  in  his  funeral  oration  on  Queen 
Elizabeth,  mentioned  the  "  carmina  "  of  Thomas  the  Rhymer,  which  as  a  boy  he 
had  heard  quoted  by  lalathrones  ceraulas,  and  then  looked  upon  as  only  subjects 
for  laughter,  but  now  recognized  as  serious  and  authentic ;  though,  like  his  prede- 
cessor "Wyntown,  he  was  equally  in  doubt  whether  the  inspiration  of  Thomas  was 
Delphic  or  divine.  Sir  William  Alexander,  Earl  of  Stirling  (1580 — 1640),  in 
dedicating  his  "  Monarchicke  Tragedies "  to  King  James,  refers  to  the  same 

belief : — 

Ere  thou  wast  borne,  and  since,  heaven  thee  endeeres, 

Held  back  as  best  to  grace  these  last  worst  times  ; 
The  world  long'd  for  thy  birth  three  hundreth  yeeres, 

Since  first  fore-told  wrapt  in  propheticke  rimes. 

Nor  does  his  more  celebrated  contemporary,  William  Druminond  of  Hawthorn- 
den  (1585 — 1649),  neglect  to  offer  to  his  royal  patron  the  same  nattering 

incense  : — 

This  is  that  king  who  should  make  right  each  wrong, 

Of  whom  the  bards  and  mysticke  Sibilles  song, 

The  man  long  promis'd,  by  whose  glorious  raigne 

This  isle  should  yet  her  ancient  name  regaine, 

And  more  of  Fortunate  deserve  the  stile 

Than  those  where  heauens  with  double  summers  smile. 

Forth  Feasting,  Edin.,  1617. 

Archbishop  Spottiswood  (1565 — 1639)  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  authenticity 
of  these  compositions.  In  his  "  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  "  he  says,  "  the 
prophecies  yet  extant  in  Scottish  JRithmes,  whereupon  he  was  commonly  called 
Thomas  the  Rhymer,  may  justly  be  admired,  having  foretold,  so  many  ages  before, 
the  union  of  England  and  Scotland,  in  the  ninth  degree  of  the  Brace's  blood,  with 
the  succession  of  Bruce  himself  to  the  crown,  being  yet  a  child,  and  other  diuers 

particulars  which  the  event  hath  ratified  and  made  good Whence  or 

how  he  had  this  knowledge,  can  hardly  be  affirmed ;  but  sure  it  is,  that  he  did 
divine  and  answer  truly  of  many  things  to  come."  (Spottiswoode  Society's  Ed., 
Vol.  I,  p.  93.  Edin.,  1851.) 

13.  These  alleged  revelations  received  considerable  attention  even  during  the 
Jacobite  rising  in  1745.  It  appears  that  the  final  accomplishment  of  the  unful- 
filled parts  of  Thomas's  predictions  was  now  expected.  The  Duke  of  Gordon,  one 
of  the  friends  of  the  Stuart  cause,  was  recognized  as  the  "Cock  of  the  North;" 
and  in  the  flush  of  triumph  at  their  easy  victory  of  Prestonpans,  within  six  miles 
of  the  parish  church  of  Gladsmuir  in  East-Lothian,  and  not  a  third  of  that  distance 


xlii 


INTRODUCTION. 


from  Seaton,  a  village  about  a  mile  from  the  sea,  on  the  line  of  the  railway  "between 
Edinburgh  and  Dunbar,  the  Jacobites  identified  it  with  the  great  Armageddon  of 
the  prophecies,  the  "  Battle  of  Gladsmoor  "  itself.  Hamilton  of  Bangor  sang — 


As  over  Gladsmoor's  blood-stained  field, 
Scotia  imperial  goddess  flew, 

Her  lifted  spear  &  radiant  shield, 
Conspicuous  blazing  to  the  view  ; 

***** 

while  in  other  songs  we  find — 


With  him  I  plough'd  the  stormy  main, 
My  breath  inspir'd  the  auspicious  gale ; 

Eeserv'd  for  Gladsmoor's  glorious  plain, 
Through  dangers  wing'd  his  daring  sail. 


Cope  turn'd  the  chace,  &  left  the  place  ; 

The  Lothians  was  the  next  land  ready  ; 
And  then  he  swure  that  at  Gladsmuir 

He  would  disgrace  the  Highland  plaidie. 


The  battle  of  Gladsmoor,  it  was  a  noble  stour,  For  Master  Johnnie  Cope,  being  destitute  of 

And  weel  do  we  ken  that  our  young  prince  hope, 

wan  ;  Took  horse  for  his  life  &  left  his  men  ; 

The  gallant  Lowland  lads,  when  they  saw  the  In  their  arms  he  put  no  trust,  for  he  knew  it 

tartan  plaids,  .   was  just 

"Wheel  'round  to  the  right,  and  away  they  ran.  That  the  king  should  enjoy  his  own  again. 

It  was  no  doubt  in  reference  to  the  use  thus  made  of  them,  that  Lord  Hailes,  in 
his  Remarks  on  the  History  of  Scotland  (Edin.,  1773),  thought  it  necessary  to  give 
a  serious  refutation  of  the  alleged  prophecies  of  Thomas  the  Rhymer ;  "  for,  let  it 
be  considered,"  he  says,  "  that  the  name  of  Thomas  the  Rhymer  is  not  forgotten  in 
Scotland,  nor  his  authority  altogether  slighted,  even  at  this  day.  Within  the 
memory  of  man,  his  prophecies,  and  the  prophecies  of  other  Scotch  soothsayers, 
have  not  only  been  reprinted,  but  have  been  consulted  with  a  weak,  if  not  criminal 
curiosity.  I  mention  no  particulars ;  for  I  hold  it  ungenerous  to  reproach  men  with 
weaknesses  of  which  they  themselves  are  ashamed.  The  same  superstitious  credulity 
might  again  spring  up.  I  natter  myself  that  my  attempts  to  eradicate  it  will  not 
prove  altogether  vain." 

The  "  Whole  Prophecies  "  continued  to  be  printed  as  a  chap-book  down  to  the 
"beginning  of  the  present  century,  when  few  farm-houses  in  Scotland  were  without 
a  copy  of  the  mystic  predictions  of  the  Rhymer  and  his  associates. 

1 4.  NOT  was  the  name  of  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  less  known  and  reverenced  in 
England  than  in  Scotland.  Exclusive  of  the  fact  that  all  t'ie  copies  we  have  of 
the  old  romance  and  prophecies  have  come  down  to  us  at  the  hands  of  English 
transcribers,  the  English  prophetic  writings  of  the  15th  and  16th  centuries  abound 
in  appeals  to  his  authority  and  quotations  acknowledged  and  unacknowledged  from 
the  predictions  attributed  to  him.  The  period  in  English  History,  when  these 


ENGLISH   PROPHECIES   ATTRIBUTED    TO   THOMAS.  xliii 

predictions  were  most  in  vogue,  was  that  which  intervened  between  the  decline 
of  the  fortune  of  the  House  of  Lancaster,  about  1430,  and  the  full  establishment 
of  the  Tudors,  and  completion  of  the  rupture  with  Borne  under  Henry  VIII.  The 
numerous  battles  during  the  Wars  of  'the  Roses,  especially  that  of  Barnet,  the  over- 
throw of  the  Yorkist  cause  at  Bosworth,  the  appearance  of  Yorkist  pretenders  under 
Henry  VII,  the  defeat  of  the  Scots  at  Flodden,  and  the  daring  of  Henry  VIII  in 
defying  the  pope  and  suppressing  the  religious  orders,  were  all  the  theme  of  soi- 
disant  prophetic  rhymes.  One  of  these,  claiming  to  be  a  joint  production  of 
"  Veneraibilis  Bede,  Marlionis,  Thome  Arslaydoun,  et  aliorum  "  (the  last  being  by 
far  the  most  certain  of  the  ingredients),  and  which  is  in  all  probability  the  actual 
"  Prophisies  of  Eymour,  Beid,  and  Marly ng,"  with  which  Sir  David  Lyndesay  re- 
galed the  childish  ears  of  James  V,  I  have  printed  in  Appendix  II.  In  its  com- 
mencement it  is  identical  with  the  Scotch  "  Prophesie  of  Thomas  Rymer,"  in  Ap- 
pendix I,  and  the  two  have  evidently  been  expanded  from  the  same  original  nucleus. 
It  occurs  both  in  the  Lansdowne  MS.  of  1529,  which  supplies  one  of  the  copies  of 
our  romance,  and  in  the  Bawlinson  MS.  C.  813  at  Oxford.  Both  texts,  as  will  be 
seen,  are  transcripts  of  older  ones. 

The  Sloane  MS.  2578  also  contains  many  kindred  productions,  one  of  which, 
concerned  with  the  battles  "between  Seton  and  the  Sea,"  at  Gladsmoor,  and  at 
Sandeford,  and  other  mysterious  episodes  of  Fytt  III  of  "  Thomas  of  Ersseldowne," 
and  giving  to  these  an  English  application,  is  added  in  Appendix  III ;  shorter 
"  prophecies  "  of  the  same  nature  appear  among  the  illustrative  notes  to  Fytt  III  of 
the  romance. 

1 5.  In  Thomas's  own  locality  of  Tweedside,  as  well  as  elsewhere  in  Scotland, 
many  traditional  predictions  ascribed  to  him  have  long  been  current.  Several  of 
these  were  recorded  by  Scott  in  "  the  Minstrelsy  of  the  Scottish  Border,"  others 
have  since  been  given  in  the  "  History  of  the  Berwickshire  Naturalists'  Club  "  and 
other  local  publications,  and  by  Eobert  Chambers  in  his  "  Popular  Ehymes  of  Scot- 
land." (N&w  Edition,  1870.)  Among  these,  "the  Bhyrner"  is  said  to  have  pro- 
'phesied  of  the  ancient  family  of  Haig  of  Bemerside, — with  an  early  member  of 
which,  Petrus  de  Haga,  we  have  already  seen  him  connected,  and  whose  family 
motto,  according  to  Msbet,  was  "  Tide  what  may," 

Betide,  betide,  whate'er  betide, 
Haig  shall  be  Haig  of  Bemerside. 

"The  grandfather  of  the  present  (1802)  proprietor  of  Bemerside  had  twelve 
daughters,  before  his  lady  brought  him  a  male  heir.  The  common  people  trembled 
for  the  credit  of  their  favourite  soothsayer.  The  late  Mr  Haig  was  at  length  born, 


INTRODUCTION. 

and  their  "belief  in  the  prophecy  confirmed  beyond  a  shadow  of  doubt." — Minstr. 
Scott.  Bord.9  vol.  iii.  p.  209.  Dr  R.  Chambers,  in  a  note  to  this  "prophecy"  in 
"  Popular  Ehymes  of  Scotland,"  p.  297,  says,  "1867 — The  prophecy  has  come  to 
a  sad  end,  for  the  Haigs  of  Bemerside  have  died  out."  My  local  correspondents 
inform  me  that  the  condolence  is  premature,  as  Miss  Sophia  Haig,  the  21st  in  un- 
interrupted line  from  Petrus  de  Haga,  is  still  alive  in  Italy. 

Sir  Walter  Scott  continues,  "  Another  memorable  prophecy  bore  that  the  old 
Kirk  at  Kelso  (fitted  up  in  the  ruins  of  the  Abbey)  should  fall  when  at  the  fullest." 
At  a  very  crowded  sermon,  about  30  years  ago  (1770),  a  piece  of  lime  fell  from  the 
roof  of  the  Church.  The  alarm  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  words  of  the  seer  became 
universal,  and  happy  were  they  who  were  nearest  the  door  of  the  doomed  edifice. 
The  church  was  in  consequence  deserted,  and  has  never  since  had  a  chance  of 
tumbling  upon  a  full  congregation. 

"  Another  prediction,  ascribed  to  the  Rhymer,  seems  to  have  been  founded  on 
that  sort  of  insight  into  futurity,  possessed  by  most  men  of  sound  and  combining 
judgment.  It  runs  thus  : — 

At  Eldon  tree  if  you  shall  be, 

A  brigg  ower  Tweed  you  there  may  see. 

The  spot  in  question  commands  an  extensive  prospect  of  the  course  of  the 
river ;  and  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that  when  the  country  should  become  in  the  least 
degree  improved,  a  bridge  would  be  somewhere  thrown  over  the  stream.  In  fact, 
you  now  see  no  less  than  three  bridges  from  that  elevated  situation." 

Others  of  these  traditional  predictions  are  recorded  as  : 

Vengeance !  vengeance  !  when  &  where  1 

On  the  house  of  Coldingknow,  now  &  ever  mair  ! 

The  burn  o'  breid,  [Bannockburn] 
Sail  rin  fu  reid. 

A  horse  sail  gang  on  Carolside  brae 
Till  the  red  girth  gaw  his  sides  in  twae. 

The  hare  sail  kittle  [litter]  on  my  hearth  stane 
And  there  will  never  be  a  laird  Learmont  again. 

The  three  latter  of  these  are  evidently  distorted  echoes  of  passages  in  the  old 
prophecies.  The  last  of  them,  in  the  form  "  When  hares  kendles  o  the  herston,"  is 
really  a  line  of  the  old  Cottonian  prophecy  describing  the  desolation  to  which  Scot- 
land was  to  be  reduced  before  the  end  of  the  English  War,  but  locally  it  has  been 
adapted  to  the  fate  of  Thomas's  own  roof-tree,  and  in  this  acceptation  says  Mr 
Currie,  "I  saw  it,  with  my  own  eyes,  fulfilled  in  1839,  as  it  may  easily  have  been 


LOCAL   TRADITIONS    OF    THOMAS   AND    HIS   PREDICTIONS.  xlv 

many  times  before.  The  rumour  spread  in  Earlstoun  that  one  of  the  Ehymer's  most 
celebrated  prophecies  had  been  fulfilled,  and  I  well  remember  running  with  all  the 
rest  of  the  town,  to  see  the  hare's  nest ;  and  sure  enough  there  it  was — two  young 
hares  in  a  nettle  bush  in  the  fire  place  ! " 

"  One  of  the  more  terrible  predictions  of  the  Rhymer  is  as  follows  : — 

At  Threeburn  Grange,  in  an  after  day, 

There  shall  be  a  lang  and  bloody  fray ; 

Where  a  three  thumbed  wight  by  the  reins  shall  hald 

Three  kings'  horse,  baith  stout  and  bauld, 

And  the  Three  Burns  three  days  will  rin 

Wi'  the  blude  o'  the  slain  that  fa'  therein. 

"Threeburn  Grange  (properly  Grains)  is  a  place  a  little  above  the  press, 
Berwickshire,  where  three  small  rills  meet,  and  form  the  water  of  Ale.  '  Thirty 
years  ago,  this  rhyme  was  very  popular  in  the  east  end  of  Berwickshire;  and 
about  the  time  of  the  French  Eevolution,  a  person  of  the  name  of  Douglas  being 
born  in  Coldingham  parish  with  an  excrescence  on  one  of  his  hands,  which  bore 
some  resemblance  to  a  third  thumb,  the  superstitious  believed  that  this  was  to  be 
the  identical  '  three-thumbed  wight '  of  the  Rhymer,  and  nothing  was  looked  for 
but  a  fearful  accomplishment  of  the  prophecy."  x 

"  The  following,"  says  Dr  R.  Chambers,  "  is  perhaps  not  ancient,  but  it  ex- 
presses that  gloomy  fear  of  coming  evil  which  marks  so  many  of  the  rhymes  attri- 
buted to  Thomas : 

When  the  white  ox  comes  to  the  corse, 
Every  man  may  tak  his  horse. 

Similar  in  spirit  is  : 

Atween  Craik-cross  and  Eildon-tree, 
Is  a'  the  safety  there  shall  be, 

varied  in  Galloway — 

A'  the  safety  there  shall  be, 

Sail  be  atween  Criffel  and  the  sea. 

"  The  first  space  is  one  of  about  thirty  miles  ;  the  second  much  narrower.  Sir 
Walter  Scott  relates  that  the  first  of  these  rhymes  was  often  repeated  in  the 
Border  Counties  during  the  early  years  of  the  French  revolutionary  war,  when  the 
less  enlightened  class  of  people  laboured  under  the  most  agonizing  apprehensions 
of  invasion.  In  the  south  of  Scotland,  this  prophecy  then  obtained  universal 
credence ;  and  the  tract  of  country  alluded  to  was  well  surveyed,  and  considered 
by  many  wealthy  persons,  anxious  to  save  their  goods  and  lives,  as  the  place  to 
which  they  would  probably  fly  for  refuge  *  in  case  of  the  French  coming.'  " 
1  History  of  Berwickshire  Naturalist's  Club,  vol.  i.  p.  147. 


xlvi  INTRODUCTION. 

Within  my  own  memory  a  prophecy  used  to  be  quoted  of  a  time  when  "  men 
shall  ride  to  the  horses'  reins  in  blude, — 

And  if  any  safety  there  shal  be 

'Twill  be  'tween  Craig  House  &  Eildon  Tree," 

often  varied,  however,  with  "  'tween  Hawick  &  Eildon  Tree."  Craig  House  is  a 
small  estate,  between  Leader-foot  and  Smailholm,  about  a  mile  from  Bemerside, 
and  thus  at  a  very  short  distance  from  Eildon.  The  oldest  form  of  this  couplet  is 
found  in  the  "  Prophecy  of  Bertlington  "  of  1515,  already  quoted  p.  xxxv  : 

And  the  little  lowne  [shelter]  that  shall  be 
Is  betuixt  the  Lowmond  and  the  sea. 

"  A  verse  referring  to  the  future  improvement  of  the  country  may  be  taken  as  a 
curious  specimen  of  foreseeing  wisdom.  Thomas  had  the  sagacity  to  discover  that 
the  ground  would  be  more  generally  cultivated  at  some  future  period  than  it  was 
in  his  own  time  ;  but  also  knowing  that  population  and  luxury  would  increase  in 
proportion,  he  was  enabled  to  assure  the  posterity  of  the  poor  that  their  food  would 
not  consequently  increase  in  quantity.  His  words  were  : 

The  waters  shall  wax,  the  wood  shall  wene, 
Hill  and  moss  shall  be  torn  in  ; 

But  the  bannock  will  ne'er  be  braider." 

"  It  is  certain  that  many  rhymes  professedly  by  our  hero  were  promulgated  in 
consequence  of  particular  events.  Of  this  character  is  : 

There  shall  a  stone  wi'  Leader  come, 
That'll  make  a  rich  father,  but  a  poor  son  ; 

an  allusion  to  the  supposed  limited  advantage  of  the  process  of  liming.  The  High- 
landers have  also  found,  since  the  recent  changes  of  tenantry  in  their  country,  that 
Thomas  predicted  that  '  The  teeth  of  the  sheep  shall  lay  the  plough  on  the  shelf.' 
I  have  been  assured  that  the  name  of  Thomas  the  Rhymer  is  as  well  known  at 
this  day  among  the  common  people  in  the  Highlands,  nay,  even  in  the  remoter  of 
the  "Western  Isles,  as  it  is  in  Berwickshire.  His  notoriety  in  the  sixteenth 
century  is  shown  in  a  curious  allusion  in  a  witch-trial  of  that  age — namely,  that  of 
Andro  Man,  which  took  place  at  Aberdeen  in  1598.  In  his  ditty,  Andro  is 
charged  with  having  been  assured  in  his  boyhood  by  the  Queen  of  Elfin,  *  that  thow 
suld  knaw  all  things,  and  suld  help  and  cuir  all  sort  of  seikness,  except  stane  deid, 
and  that  thow  suld  be  weill  intertenit,  but  wald  seik  thy  meit  or  tliow  deit,  as 
Thomas  Rymour  did '  [that  is,  beg  his  bread].  Also  :  '  Thow  affermis  that  the 
Quene  of  Elphen  hes  a  grip  of  all  the  craft,  but  Christsondy  [the  devil]  is  the 
guidman,  and  hes  all  power  vnder  God,  and  that  thow  kennis  sindrie  deid  men  in 


LOCAL   TRADITIONS    OP    THOMAS   AND    HIS    PREDICTIONS. 

tliair  cumpanie,  and  that  the  kyng  that  deit  in  Flowdoun  and  Thomas  Rymour  is 
their.'1 — Spalding  Club  Miscellany r,  i.  119 — 121. 

"  The  common  people  at  Banff  and  its  neighbourhood  preserve  the  following 
specimens  of  the  more  terrible  class  of  the  Rhymer's  prophecies  : 

At  two  full  times,  and  three  half  times, 

Or  three  score  years  and  ten, 
The  ravens  shall  sit  on  the  Stones  o'  St  Brandon, 

And  drink  o'  the  blood  o'  the  slain  ! 

The  Stones  of  St  Brandon  were  standing  erect  a  few  years  ago  in  an  extensive 
level  field  about  a  mile  to  the  westward  of  Banff,  and  immediately  adjacent  to  the 
Brandon  How,  which  forms  the  boundary  of  the  town  in  that  direction.  The  field 
is  supposed  to  have  been  the  scene  of  one  of  the  early  battles  between  the  Scots 
and  Danes,  and  fragments  of  weapons  and  bones  of  men  have  been  dug  from  it. 

"An  Aberdeenshire  tradition  represents  that  the  gates  of  Fyvie  Castle  had 
stood  for  seven  years  and  a  day  wall-wide,  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  True  Tammas, 
as  he  is  called  in  that  district.  At  length  he  suddenly  appeared  before  the  fair 
building,  accompanied  by  a  violent  storm  of  wind  and  rain,  which  stripped  the 
surrounding  trees  of  their  leaves,  and  shut  the  castle  gates  with  a  loud  clash.  But 
while  the  tempest  was  raging  on  all  sides,  it  was  observed  that,  close  by  the  spot 
where  Thomas  stood,  there  was  not  wind  enough  to  shake  a  pile  of  grass  or  move  a 
hair  of  his  beard.  He  denounced  his  wrath  in  the  following  lines  : 

Fyvie,  Fyvie,  thou  s'  never  thrive, 
As  lang's  there's  in  thee  stanis  three  : 
There's  ane  iutill  the  highest  tower, 
There's  ane  intill  the  ladye's  bower, 
There's  ane  aneath  the  water-^ett, 
And  thir  three  stanes  ye  s'  never  get. 

The  usual  prose  comment  states  that  two  of  these  stones  have  been  found,  but  that 
the  third,  beneath  the  gate  leading  to  the  Ythan,  or  water-gate,  has  hitherto  baffled 
all  search. 

"  There  are  other  curious  traditionary  notices  of  the  Ehymer  in  Aberdeenshire  ; 
one  thus  introduced  in  a  View  of  the  Diocese  of  Aberdeen  written  about  1732  :  '  On 
Aiky  Brae  here '[in  Old  Deer  parish]  are  certain  stones  called  the  Cummin's  Craig, 
where  'tis  said  one  of  the  Cummins,  Earls  of  Buchan,  by  a  fall  from  his  horse  at 
hunting,  dashed  out  his  brains.  The  prediction  goes  that  this  earl  (who  lived  under 
Alexander  III.)  had  called  Thomas  the  Rhymer  by  the  name  of  Thomas  the  Lyar, 
to  show  how  much  he  slighted  his  predictions,  whereupon  that  famous  fortune-teller 
denounced  his  impending  fate  in  these  words,  which,  'tis  added,  were  all  literally 
fulfilled  : 


Xlviii  INTRODUCTION. 

Tho'  Thomas  the  Lyar  thou  call'st  me,  Thy  neckbane  shall  break  in  twa, 

A  sooth  tale  1  shall  tell  to  thee  :  And  dogs  shall  thy  banes  gnaw, 

By  Aiky  side  thy  horse  shall  ride,  And,  maugre  all  thy  kin  and  thee, 

He  shall  stumble  and  thou  shalt  fa',  Thy  own  belt  thy  bier  shall  be.' 

"  It  is  said  that  Thomas  visited  Inverugie,  which  in  later  times  was  a  seat  of  the 
Marischal  family,  and  there  from  a  highstone  poured  forth  a  vaticination  to  the  fol- 
lowing effect :  Inverugie  by  the  sea, 

Lordless  shall  thy  landis  be  ; 

And  underneath  thy  hearth-stane 

The  tod  shall  bring  her  birdis  hame. 

This  is  introduced  in  the  manuscript  before  quoted,  at  which  time  the  prophecy  might 
be  said  to  be  realized  in  the  banishment  and  forfeiture  of  the  late  Earl  Marischal 
for  his  share  in  the  insurrection  of  1715.  The  stone  in  which  the  seer  sat  was 
removed  to  build  the  church  in  1763  ;  but  the  field  in  which  it  lay  is  still  called 
Tammas's  Stane. 

"  One  of  Thomas's  supposed  prophecies  referring  to  this  district  appears  as  a  mere 
deceptive  jingle  :  when  Dee  and  Don  shall  run  in  one> 

And  Tweed  shall  run  in  Tay, 
The  bonny  water  o'  Urie 
Shall  bear  the  Bass  away. 

The  Bass  is  a  conical  mount,  of  remarkable  appearance,  and  about  40  feet  high, 
rising  from  the  bank  of  the  Urie,  in  the  angle  formed  by  it  at  its  junction  with  the 
Don.  The  rhyme  appears  in  the  manuscript  collections  of  Sir  James  Balfour,  which 
establishes  for  it  an  antiquity  of  fully  two  hundred  years.  It  is  very  evident  that 
the  author,  whoever  he  was,  only  meant  to  play  off  a  trick  upon  simple  imaginations, 
by  setting  one  (assumed)  impossibility  against  another. 

"A  native  of  Edinburgh,  who  in  1825  was  seventy-two  years  of  age,  stated 
that  when  he  was  a  boy,  the  following  prophetic  rhyme,  ascribed  to  True  Thomas, 

was  in  vogue  :  York  was,  London  is,  and  Edinburgh  will  be 

The  biggest  o'  the  three. 

In  his  early  days,  Edinburgh  consisted  only  of  what  is  now  called  the  Old  Town ; 
and  the  New  Town,  though  projected,  was  not  then  expected  ever  to  reach  the 
extent  and  splendour  which  it  has  since  attained.  Consequently,  it  can  scarcely  be 
said  that  the  prophecy  has  been  put  in  circulation  after  its  fulfilment  had  become  a 
matter  of  hope  or  imaginable  possibility.  It  is  to  be  remarked,  however,  that  there 
is  a  similar  rhyme  popular  in  England.  Stukely,  in  his  Itinerarium  Curiosum, 
after  expatiating  upon  the  original  size  and  population  of  Lincoln,  quotes  as  an  old 


LOCAL    TRADITION    OF    THOMAS'S    DISAPPEARANCE.  xlix 

Lincoln  was,  London  is,  and  York  shall  be 
The  fairest  city  of  the  three. 

•'  One  of  the  rhymes  most  popular  at  Eaiistoun  referred  to  an  old  thorn-tree  •which 
stood  near  the  village,  and  of  which  Thomas  had  said, 

This  thorn-tree,  as  lang  as  it  stands, 
Earlstoun  shall  possess  a'  her  lands. 

The  lands  originally  belonging  to  the  community  of  Earlstoun  have  been,  in  the 
course  of  time,  alienated  piecemeal,  till  there  is  scarcely  an  acre  left.  The  thorn- 
tree  fell  during  the  night  in  a  great  storm  which  took  place  in  the  spring  of  1814. 

"  The  Ehymer  is  supposed  to  have  attested  the  infallibility  of  his  predictions  by 
a  couplet  to  the  following  effect : 

When  the  saut  gaes  abune  the  meal 
Believe  nae  mair  o'  Tammie's  tale. 

In  plain  English,  that  it  is  just  as  impossible  for  the  price  of  the  small  quantity  of 
salt  used  in  the  preparation  of  porridge  to  exceed  the  value  of  the  larger  quantity  of 
meal  required  for  the  same  purpose,  as  for  his  prophecies  to  become  untrue." 
Popular  Rhymes  of  Scotland,  by  Eobert  Chambers,  LL.D.  New  Edition,  1870, 
pp.  211 — 224.  (See  some  additional  particulars  after  the  Notes.) 

There  is  said  also  to  have  been  a  popular  tradition,  how  far  independent  of  the 
written  remains,  one  does  not  know — of  the  intercourse  between  Thomas  and  the 
Fairy  Qneen  as  related  in  the  Ballad.  "  The  popular  tale  bears,  that  Thomas  was 
carried  off  at  an  early  age  to  the  Fairy  Land,  where  he  acquired  all  the  knowledge 
which  niade  him  afterward  so  famous.  After  seven  years'  residence  he  was  permitted 
to  return  to  the  earth,  to  enlighten  and  astonish  his  countrymen  by  his  prophetic 
powers  ;  still,  however,  remaining  bound  to  return  to  his  royal  mistress,  when  she 
should  intimate  her  pleasure.  Accordingly,  while  Thomas  was  making  merry  with 
his  friends  in  the  Tower  of  Ercildoune,  a  person  came  running  in,  and  told,  with 
marks  of  fear  and  astonishment,  that  a  hart  and  hind  had  left  the  neighbouring 
forest,  and  were  composedly  and  slowly  parading  the  street  of  the  village.  The 
prophet  instantly  arose,  left  his  habitation,  and  followed  the  wonderful  animals  to 
the  forest,  whence  he  was  never  seen  to  return.  According  to  the  popular  belief,  he 
still  '  drees  his  weird '  in  Fairy  Land,  and  is  one  day  expected  to  revisit  earth.  In 
the  meanwhile  his  memory  is  held  in  most  profound  respect.  The  Eildon  Tree, 
from  beneath  the  shadow  of  which  he  delivered  his  prophecies,  now  no  longer 
exists  ;  but  the  spot  is  marked  by  a  large  stone  called  Eildon  Tree  Stone.  A  neigh- 
bouring rivulet  takes  the  name  of  the  Bogle  Burn  (Goblin  Brook),  from  the 
ERCILDOUN.  d 


I>  1RODUCTIOX. 

Rhymer's  supernatural  visitants."1 — Border  Minstrelsy,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  209.  Scott 
adds  that  "  the  veneration  paid  to  the  dwelling-place  of  Thomas  even  attached 
itself  in  some  degree  to  a  person,  who,  within  the  memory  of  man,  chose  to  set  up 
his  residence  in  the  ruins  of  Learmont's  tower.  The  name  of  this  man  was  Murray, 
a  kind  of  herbalist ;  who,  by  dint  of  some  knowledge  in  simples,  the  possession  of  a 
musical  clock,  an  electrical  machine,  and  a  stuffed  alligator,  added  to  a  supposed 
communication  with  Thomas  the  Rhymer,  lived  for  many  years  in  very  good  credit 
as  a  wizard."  But  Dr  R.  Chambers,  in  a  note  (Pop.  Rhymes,  p.  214),  pronounces 
this  account  a  strange  distortion  and  mystification  of  the  fact  that  a  respectable  and 
enlightened  physician,  Mr  Patrick  Murray,  who  "pursued  various  studies  of 
a  philosophical  kind  not  common  in  Scotland  during  the  eighteenth  century,"  and  is 
known  as  the  author  of  some  medical  works,  lived  in  the  tower  of  Thomas  of 
Ercildoun,  then  a  comfortable  mansion  ;  and  adds,  "  when  we  find  a  single  age,  and 
that  the  latest  and  most  enlightened,  so  strangely  distort  and  mystify  the  character 
of  a  philosophical  country  surgeon,  can  we  doubt  that  five  hundred  years  have 
played  still  stranger  tricks  with  the  history  and  character  of  Thomas  the  Rhymer  1 " 
16.  Eildon  Tree,  referred  to  in  the  Romance,  and  connected  traditionally  with 
Thomas's  prophecies,  stood  on  the  declivity  of  the  eastern  of  the  three  Eildon  Hills, 
looking  across  the  Tweed  to  Leader  Water,  Bemerside,  Earlstoun,  and  other  places 
connected  with  Thomas.  Its  site  is  believed  to  be  indicated  by  the  Eildon  Stone, 
"  a  rugged  boulder  of  whinstone  "  standing  on  the  edge  of  the  road  from  Melrose  to 
St  Boswell's,  about  a  mile  south-east  from  the  former  town,  and  on  the  ridge  of  a 
spur  of  the  hill.2  "  The  view  from  this  point,"  says  a  correspondent,  "  is  unsur- 

1  My  friend,  Mr  Andrew  Currie  of  Darnick,  has  sent  me  tbe  following  tradition  of  the  disap- 
pearance of  Thomas,  which  he  took  down  35  years  ago  from  the  mouth  of  "  Rob  Messer,  a  very 
intelligent  matter-of-fact  man,  well  versed  in  all  traditionary  lore  about  Earlston,  and  possess- 
ing a  wonderful  memory  for  a  man  of  85  "  : — "  Ye  want  to  ken  if  ever  aw  heard  how  Tammas 
the  Rymer  disappeared  ? — Weel,  aw  can  tell  ye  something  aboot  that,  as  aw  had  it  frae  ma 
graanfaither,  an'  nae  doot  he  had  it  frae  his  fore-bears,  for  we're  als  auld  a  family  in  Yerlsten, 
— or  raither  Ercildoun,  as  it  was  caa'd  i'  thae  days — we're  als  auld  as  the  Learmonts.     D'ye 
see  thae  auld  waa's  i'  the  front  o'  yeir  ain  shop  ?  weel  man,  aw  mind  o'  that  bein'  a  gay  an' 
subtantial  boose  i'  maa  young  days,  an'  Tammas  the  Rymer  was  last  seen  gaan'  oot  o'  that 
hoose  eae  nicht  afore  the  derknin',  an'  he  set  off  up  Leader  for  Lauder  Cas'le  ;  but  he  ne'er  gat 
there — he  never  was  sene  againe.     Aw've  heard  'at  he  geade  in  there  to  get  some  deed  signed 
or  wutness  't,  an'  that  he  was  carryan'  money  wi'  him  to  some  Lord  or  great  man  up  there,  'at 
he  was  inimate  wi'.     But  ma  granfaither  uist  to  say — an'  nae  doot  he  had  it  bandit  doon — 
that  Leader  was  i'  great  fluid  at  the  time,  an'  that  Tammas  the  Rymer  had  been  robbit  an' 
murdert  an'  his  body  thrawn  into  the  water,  whulk  micht  take  it  to  Berwick.     An'  that's 
likker-like  than  the  Fairy  story !     Sae  ye  hae  'd,  as  aw  had  it,  frae  thaim  'at  was  afore  us." 

2  Mr  Currie  has  a  verbal  tradition  that  the  tree  stood  not  by  the  stone,  but  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  higher  up  the  base  of  the  hill,  where  he  says  "  the  site  of  it  was  pointed  out  to  me  thirty 
years  ago  by  the  late  James  Williamson  of  Newstead,  and  I  believe  I  could  still  plant  my  stick 


THE    EILDON    TREE,    AND    "  HUNTLEE    BANKIS."  li 

passed  ;  on  the  north  you  have  the  vale  of  Leader  almost  up  to  Earlston,  and 
Cowdenknowes  with  its  '  Black  Hill '  rising  abruptly  from  the  bed  of  the  stream ; 
while  downward  to  Tweed  the  undulating  expanse  of  woody  bank  is  so  beautiful, 
that  in  the  time  of  the  '  bonny  broom,'  I  am  often  tempted  to  bend  my  steps  to  the 
spot,  and  '  lie  and  watch  the  sight/  from  a  spot  once  '  underneath  the  Eildon  Tree.' 
In  the  close  vicinity  is  the  '  Bogle  Burn,'  a  stream  which  rises  on  the  slope  of  the 
Eastern  Eildon,  and  flows  down  a  deep  glen  into  the  Tweed  a  little  to  the  north  of 
Newtown  St  Boswell's.  From  the  Eildon  Stone  the  road  descends  some  500  yards 
in  a  straight  line  to  the  bed  of  the  burn,  and  rises  at  the  same  angle  to  the  opposite 
bank  in  true  Roman  fashion.  In  all  probability  the  name  of  Bogle  Burn  is  derived, 
as  Sir  Walter  Scott  suggested,  from  the  Rhymer's  supernatural  visitants." 

About  half  a  mile  to  the  west  of  the  Eildon  Stone,  and  on  the  slope  of  the  same 
hill,  we  find  the  "  Huntlee  bankis  "  of  the  old  romance.  The  spot  lies  a  little  above 
the  North  British  Railway,  at  the  point  where  it  is  crossed  by  the  road  to  St  Bos- 
well's  already  referred  to,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  after  leaving  Melrose  Station. 
The  field  next  the  road  and  railway  at  this  point  (No.  2405  on  the  Ordinance  Map) 
is  called  Monks'  Meadow;  and  higher  up  the  hill  above  this  are  two  fields  (Nos.  2548 
and  2408)  which  have  preserved  the  name  of  Huntlie  Brae,  and  to  which  in  old 
John  Bower's  time  tradition  still  pointed  as  the  scene  of  Thomas's  vision  of  the 
"  Ladye."  West  of  these  lie  the  site  of  Gallows  Hill  and  Bower's  Brae,  and  a  long 
narrow  strip  to  the  east,  ascending  from  the  road  to  the  top  of  Huntlie  Brae,  is 
called  the  Corse  Rig,  and  still  burdened  in  its  charter  with  an  annual  payment  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  Town  Cross  of  Melrose.  From  the  small  plantation  at  the 
head  of  the  Corse  Rig,  at  the  east  end  of  Huntlie  Brae,  a  magnificent  view  is  afforded 
of  the  surrounding  locality,  and  in  particular  the  eye  has  a  full  sweep  along  the  road 
and  hill  side  as  far  as  the  Eildon  Stone  and  site  of  the  ancient  Tree.1 

on  the  spot."  But  the  general  voice  of  tradition  is,  and  apparently  has  been,  that  the  tree  stood 
by  the  stone  itself.  "This  spot,"  says  T.  B.  Gray,  Esq.,  in  a  note  to  me  on  the  subject,  "is 
in  fact  the  point  of  vantage  whence  the  most  extensive  view  in  the  neighbourhood  is  com- 
manded. Higher  up  the  hill,  or  lower  down  the  hill,  or  farther  back  on  the  road,  Melrose  and 
all  its  beauties  are  lost,  and  Huntlee  Brae  itself  shut  out  from  sight ;  while  from  the  stone,  Be- 
merside,  Smailholm  Tower,  Gladswood,  Drygrangc,  Cowdenknowes,  the  Black  Hill,  Earlstoun 
(almost),  Leader-foot  and  bridge,  Galtonside,  Galawater,  and  a  long  stream  of  silvery  Tweed, 
start  at  once  upon  the  view."  Mr  Gray  also  thinks  that  the  spot  was  probably  in  olden  times 
the  site  of  a  cross  for  the  special  devotion  of  pilgrims  catching  their  first  glimpse  of  St  Mary's 
shrine  from  the  east.  There  was  a  similar  one  on  the  west,  at  a  point  called  to  this  day  "  High 
Cross,"  between  Melrose  and  Daruick  ;  and  according  to  old  Milne,  in  1743,  "a  little  to  the 
southwest  of  Dingleton  was  a  famous  Cross,  yet  called  the  Crosshillhead,  but  anciently  the  Hale- 
sing  of  St  Wada  ;  for  those  that  came  from  the  South  had  first  a  view  of  the  church  here,  and 
of  the  Tomb  of  St  Waldhaue,  and  bowed  and  said  their  Are." 

1   For  the  satisfactory  identification  of  "Huntley  Baukes"  I  am  indebted  entirely  to 


lii 


INTRODUCTION. 


Sir  Walter  Scott  seems  at  first  to  have  looked  for  "Huntlee  bankis"  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  the  Eildon  Tree,  but,  as  is  well  known,  he  afterwards  affected  to  identify 
the  name  with  a  wild  and  picturesque  ravine,  then  called  "Dick's  Clench,"  which  runs 
by  the  base  of  the  "Western  Eildon,  two  or  three  miles  to  the  west  of  this,  which  he, 
"  with  his  peculiar  enthusiasm,  purchased  at  probably  fifty  per  cent,  above  its  real 
value,  in  order  to  include  it  in  his  estate  of  Abbots  ford."  By  skilfully  planting 
the  steep  and  often  rugged  sides,  and  leading  a  romantic  pathway  up  the  margin  of 
the  burn,  which  with  many  a  cascade  flows  through  it,  he  made  "  the  Rhymer's 
Glen,"  as  he  christened  it,  a  place  of  beauty  to  be  visited  by  every  tourist,  albeit  its 
real" associations  are  with  the  modern  "wizard  of  Tweedside,"  and  not  with  the  an- 
cient seer  of  legend  and  tradition.  The  locality  in  fact  possesses  no  view,  and  is 
not  even  in  sight  of  the  Eildon  Tree,  distant  more  than  two  miles  on  the  other  side 
of  the  mountain  mass  of  the  Eildons,  and  it  may  be  more  than  suspected  that  the 
desire  of  bringing  some  of  the  romance  of  the  old  story  to  his  own  estate,  was  Sir 
Walter  Scott's  reason  for  naming  it  "  the  Rhymer's  Glen ; "  although  he  had  this 
"  hair  to  mak  a  tether  o'/'  that  the  name  of  "  Huntley  Wood  "  appears  to  have  been 
borne  by  a  small  plantation  which  once  stood  on  the  hill  side  above  Chiefswood, 
and  so  not  far  from  his  glen,  and  his  l '  Huntley-burn." 

1 7.  Scott,  in  the  "  Border  Minstrelsy,"  and  Robert  Jamieson,  in  his  "  popular 
Ballads  and  Songs,"  Edinburgh,  1806,  give  what  professes  to  be  a  traditional  ballad 
of  "Thomas  and  the  Queen  of  Elfland,"  considered  by  the  former  to  be  a  genuine 
descendant  of  the  old  romance  modified  by  oral  tradition.  "  It  will  atford  great 

T.  B.  Gray,  Esq.,  already  mentioned,  who  by  indefatigable  perseverance  has  succeeded  in  seiz- 
ing the  last  vestiges  of  an  expiring  tradition  as  to  the  site.  Mr  Gray  first  called  my  attention 
to  the  following  passage  in  old  John  Bower's  Account  of  Melrose  : — "  At  the  foot  of  the  Eil- 
don Hills,  above  Melrose,  is  a  place  called  HuntUe  Brae,  where  Thomas  the  Rhymer  and  the 
Queen  of  the  Fairies  frequently  met,  according  to  tradition.  A  little  to  the  east  of  this  is  the 
trysting-tree  stone"  Mr  Gray  expressed  his  opinion  that  the  place  referred  to  must  be  the  field 
or  bank,  adjoining  what  is  called  the  Gallows  Hill,  but  he  was  as  yet  unable  to  find  the  faintest 
tradition  of  the  place  having  borne  this  name.  Subsequently  however  he  writes  (8th  Nov.  1875)  : 
"  I  am  happy  to  say  that  I  have  identified  IIiintlie-Brae  to  my  entire  satisfaction,  and  in  such 
a  situation  as  to  give  a  vivid  tone  pf  reality  to  the  old  Romance.  Through  the  kindness  of 
James  Curie,  Esq.,  of  Messrs  Curies  &  Erskines,  solicitors  here,  I  have  been  able  to  confirm  old 
Bower's  statement  that  there  was  such  a  place,  arid  the  senior  partner  of  the  firm  assures  me 
that  he  recollects  quite  well  his  father  (an  old  man  when  he  died)  pointing  out  the  very  field 
my  suspicions  had  fallen  upon,  as  '  Huntlie-Brae.'  By  the  Parish  Ordinance  Map  Mr  Curie 
was  able  to  put  his  finger  on  the  identical  spot  as  fields  2408  and  2584.  And  now  I  am  pleased 
to  add  that  the  locality  is  in  entire  harmony  with  the  poetical  reference ;  for  if  '  True  Thomas ' 
lay  on  Huntlie  Brae  or  Bank,  he  would  have  a  clear  and  distinct  view  of  the  '  ladye  gaye '  all 
the  way  along  the  road,  or  the  hill  side,  to  the  Eildon  Stone,  a  distance  of  fully  half  a  mile. 
I  had  the  pleasure  on  Friday  afternoon  to  lead  our  friend  Mr  Currie  over  the  spot,  and  he 
agrees  with  me  as  to  the  entire  harmony  between  the  site  and  the  description  in  the  ballad." 


THE  "TRADITIONAL"  BALLAD  OF  TRUE  THOMAS.  liii 

amusement,"  he  says,  "  to  those  who  would  study  the  nature  of  traditional  poetry, 
and  the  changes  effected  by  oral  tradition,  to  compare  the  ancient  romance  with  the 
ballad.  The  same  incidents  are  narrated,  even  the  expression  is  often  the  same ; 
yet  the  poems  are  as  different  in  appearance,  as  if  the  older  tale  had  been  regularly 
and  systematically  modernized  by  a  poet  of  the  present  day."  That  the  "  as  if  "  in 
the  last  sentence  might  safely  be  left  out,  and  that  the  "traditional  ballad"  never 
grew  "  by  oral  tradition  "  out  of  the  older,  is  clear  enough  to  me,  even  without  the 
additional  particulars  that  the  source  of  the  verses  was  that  Mt  Athos  of  antique 
ballads,  Mrs  Brown's  MS.  Jamieson  only  says  his  copy  was  "  procured  from  Scot- 
land." The  two  copies  differ  in  extent  and  expressions.  To  complete  our  Thomas 
literature  they  are  here  added  in  parallel  columns. l 


THOMAS  THE  KEYMEE. 

JAMIESON.  SCOTT. 

True  Thomas  lay  o'er  yonder  bank,  True  Thomas  lay  on  Huntlie  bank  ; 

And  he  beheld  a  lady  gay,  A  ferlie  he  spied  wi'  his  ee  ; 

A  lady  that  was  brisk  and  bold,  And  there  he  saw  a  ladye  bright, 

Come  riding  o'er  the  fernie  brae.  4          Come  riding  down  by  the  Eildon  tree. 

Her  skirt  was  of  the  grass- green  silk,  Her  shirt  was  o'  the  grass-green  silk, 

Her  mantle  of  the  velvet  fine  ;  Her  mantle  o'  the  velvet  fyne ; 

At  ilka  tate  o'  her  horse's  mane  At  ilka  tett  of  her  horse's  mane, 

Hung  fifty  siller  bells  and  nine.  8          Hung  fifty  siller  bells  and  nine. 

1  Jamieson's  copy  apparently  came  from  the  same  source  as  Scott's  ;  see  the  following 
extract  from  a  letter  of  Anderson,  of  the  "British  Poets,"  to  Bishop  Percy,  given  by 
Nicholl  :  "  Mr  Jamieson  visited  Mrs  Brown  on  his  return  here  from  Aberdeen,  and  obtained 

from  her  recollection  five  or  six  ballads  and  a  fragment The  greatest  part  of  them  is 

unknown  to  the  oldest  persons  in  this  country.  I  accompanied  Mr  Jamieson  to  my  friend 
[Walter]  Scott's  house  in  the  country,  for  the  sake  of  bringing  the  collectors  to  a  good  under- 
standing. I  then  took  on  me  to  hint  my  suspicion  of  modern  manufacture,  in,  which  Scott  had 
secretly  anticipated  me.  Mrs  Brown  is  fond  of  ballad  poetry,  writes  verses,  and  reads  every- 
thing in  the  marvellous  way.  Yet  her  character  places  her  above  the  suspicion  of  literary 
imposture  ;  but  it  is  wonderful  how  she  should  happen  to  be  the  depository  of  so  many  curious 
and  valuable  ballads."  See  Nicholas  Illustrations  of  Literature,  p.  89. 

Elsewhere  in  the  same  letter  we  read  :  "  It  is  remarkable  that  Mrs  Brown  never  saw  any 
of  the  ballads  she  has  transmitted  here,  either  in  print  or  manuscript,  but  learned  them  all 
when  a  child  by  hearing  them  sung  by  her  mother  and  an  old  maid-servant  who  had  been  long 
in  the  family,  and  does  not  recollect  to  have  heard  any  of  them  either  sung  or  said  by  any  one 
but  herself  since  she  was  about  ten  years  of  age.  She  kept  them  as  a  little  hoard  of  solitary 
entertainment,  till,  a  few  years  ago,  she  wrote  down  as  many  as  she  could  recollect,  to  oblige 
the  late  Mr  W.  Tytler,  and  again  very  lately  wrote  down  nine  more  to  oblige  his  son,  the  pro- 
fessor." 


liv 


INTRODUCTION. 


JAMIESON. 

True  Thomas  he  took  off  his  hat, 

And  bow'd  him  low  down  till  his  knee  ; 

"  All  hail,  thou  mighty  queen  of  heaven  ! 
For  your  like  on  earth  I  never  did  see !  "  1 2 

"  0  no,  O  no,  True  Thomas,"  she  says, 
"  That  name  does  not  belong  to  me  ; 

I  am  but  the  queen  of  fair  Elfland, 

And  I  am  come  here  to  visit  thee.  1G 


"  But  ye  maun  go  wi'  me  now,  Thomas, 
True  Thomas,  ye  maun  go  wi'  me ; 

For  ye  maun  serve  me  seven  years,  27 

Through  weal  and  wae,  as  may  chance  to  be." 

She  turned  about  her  milk-white  steed, 
And  took  true  Thomas  up  behind, 

And  ay  whene'er  her  bridle  rang, 

Her  steed  flew  swifter  than  the  wind.        32 


O  they  rade  on,  and  farther  on, 

Until  they  came  to  a  garden  green  ; 

"  Light  down,  light  down,  ye  lady  free, 

Some  o'  that  fruit  let  me  pull  to  thee."    40 

"  0  no,  0  no,  True  Thomas,"  she  says, 
"  That  fruit  maun  no  be  touch'd  by  thee  ; 

For  a'  the  plagues  that  are  in  Hell 

Light  on  the  fruit  o'  this  countrie.  44 


"  But  I  have  a  laef  here  in  my  lap, 
Likewise  a  bottle  of  clarry  wine  ; 

And  now,  ere  we  go  farther  on, 

We'll  rest  a  while,  and  ye  may  dine." 


When  he  had  eaten  and  drank  his  fill, 
The  lady  said,  "  ere  we  climb  yon  hill, 
Lay  your  head  upon  my  knee, 
And  I  will  show  you  ferlies  three. 


48 


52 


SCOTT. 

True  Thomas,  he  pull'd  aff  his  cap, 
And  louted  low  down  to  the  knee, 

"  All  hail,  thou  mighty  queen  of  heaven  ! 
For  thy  peer  on  earth  I  never  did  see."- 

"  0  no,  O  no,  Thomas,"  she  said, 
"  That  name  does  not  belang  to  me  ; 

I  am  but  the  queen  of  fair  Elfland, 
That  am  hither  come  to  visit  thee. 

"  Harp  and  carp,  Thomas,"  she  said  ; 

"  Harp  and  carp  along  wi'  me  ; 
And  if  ye  dare  to  kiss  my  lips, 

Sure  of  your  bodie  I  will  be." —  20 

"  Betide  me  weal,  betide  me  woe, 

That  weird  shall  never  daunton  me  " — 

Syne  he  has  kissed  her  rosy  lips, 

All  underneath  the  Eildon  tree.  24 

"  Now  ye  maun  go  wi'  me,"  she  said  ; 

"  True  Thomas,  ye  maun  go  wi'  me  ; 
And  ye  maun  serve  me  seven  years, 

Thro'  weal  or  woe  as  may  chance  to  be." 

She's  mounted  on  her  milk-white  steed  ; 

She's  ta'en  True  Thomas  up  behind  : 
And  aye,  whene'er  her  bridle  rung, 

The  steed  flew  swifter  than  the  wind. 

O  they  rode  on,  and  further  on  ; 

The  steed  ga'ed  swifter  than  the  wind  ; 
Until  they  reached  a  desert  wide, 

And  living  laud  was  left  behind.  3G 


"  Light  down,  light  down,  now,  true  Thomas, 
And  lean  your  head  upon  my  knee  ; 

Abide  and  rest  a  little  space, 

And  I  will  show  you  ferlies  three. 


THE  "TRADITIONAL"  BALLAD  OF  TRUE  THOMAS. 


JAMIESON. 

'  0  see  you  not  yon  narrow  road, 

So  thick  beset  with  thorns  and  briers? — 

That  is  the  path  of  righteousness, 

Though  after  it  there's  few  inquires.  56 

"  And  see  ye  not  yon  braid,  braid  road, 

That  lies  across  yon  lily  leven  ? 
That  is  the  path  of  wickedness, 

Though  some  call  it  the  road  to  heaven.  60 

"  And  see  ye  not  that  bonny  road, 
That  winds  about  the  fernie  brae  ? 

That  is  the  road  to  fair  Elfland, 

Where  you  and  I  this  night  maun  gae.      64 

"  But,  Thomas,  ye  maun  hald  your  tongue, 
Whatever  ye  may  hear  or  see  ;  66 

For  gin  a  word  ye  should  chance  to  speak, 
You  will  ne'er  get  back  to  your  ain  countrie." 

For  forty  days  and  forty  nights 

He  wude  through  red  blood  to  the  knee  ; 


And  he  saw  neither  sun  nor  moon 
But  heard  the  roaring  of  the  sea. 


72 


He's  gotten  a  coat  o'  the  even  cloth, 
And  a  pair  of  shoes  of  velvet  green  ; 

And  till  seven  years  were  past  and  gone, 
True  Thomas  on  earth  was  never  seen. 


92 


SCOTT. 

"  0  see  ye  not  yon  narrow  road, 

So  thick  beset  with  thorns  and  briers  ? 

That  is  the  path  of  righteousness, 
Though  after  it  but  few  enquires. 

"  And  see  ye  not  that  braid  braid  road, 

That  lies  across  that  lily  levin  ? 
That  is  the  path  of  wickedness, 

Though  some  call  it  the  road  to  heaven. 

"And  see  ye  not  that  bonny  road, 
That  winds  about  the  fernie  brae  ? 

That  is  the  road  to  fair  Elfland, 

Where  thou  and  I  this  night  maun  gae. 

"  But  Thomas  ye  maun  hold  your  tongue, 

Whatever  ye  may  hear  or  see  ; 
For,  if  you  speak  a  word  in  Elflyn  land, 

Ye'll  ne'er  get  back  to  your  ain  countrie." 

0  they  rade  on,  and  farther  on, 

And  they  waded  through  rivers  aboon  the 

knee, 

And  they  saw  neither  surt  nor  moon, 
But  they  heard  the  roaring  of  the  sea. 

It  was  mirk  mirk  night,  and  there  was  nae 

stern  light, 
And  they  waded  through  red  blude  to  the 

knee  ; 

For  a'  the  blude  that's  shed  on  earth  75 

Rins  through  the  springs  o'  that  countrie. 

Syne  they  came  to  a  garden  green, 
And  she  pu'd  an  apple  frae  a  tree — 

"  Take  this  for  thy  wages,  true  Thomas  : 
It  will  give  thee  the  tongue  that  can  never 
lee."  80 

"  My  tongue  is  mine  ain,"  true  Thomas  said  ; 
"  A  gudely  gift  ye  wad  gie  to  me  ! 

1  neither  dought  to  buy  nor  sell, 

At  fair  or  tryst  where  I  may  be.  84 

"  I  dought  neither  speak  to  prince  or  peer, 
Nor  ask  of  grace  from  fair  ladye." — 

"  Now  ask  thy  peace ! "  the  lady  said, 

"  For  as  I  say,  so  must  it  be."—  88 

He  has  gotten  a  coat  of  the  even  cloth, 
And  a  pair  of  shoes  of  velvet  green  ; 

And  till  seven  years  were  gane  and  past 
True  Thomas  on  earth  was  never  seen. 


INTRODUCTION. 


DESCRIPTION  OE  THE  MSS. 

THE  three  fyttes  of  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  are  preserved  in  four  MSS.  :  the 
THORNTON  MS.  in  the  Library  of  Lincoln  Cathedral;  the  MS.  Ff.  5.  48.  in  the 
University  Library,  CAMBRIDGE  ;  the  COTTON  MS.,  Yitellius  E.  x. ;  and  the  Lans- 
downe  MS.  762,  in  the  British  Museum ;  while  the  prophecies  alone,  without  the 
introductory  Fytt  I.,  are  found  in  a  fifth,  the  SLOANE  MS.  2578,  also  in  the  British 
Museum. 

The  THORNTON  MS.  (Lincoln  A.  1.  17.)  is  a  well-known  repository  of  romances 
and  devotional  pieces  in  the  Northern  dialect,  many  of  which  have  already  been 
printed  by  the  Early  English  Text  Society,  written  mainly  by  Eobert  Thornton  of 
East  Newton,  Yorkshire,  about  A.D.  1430 — 1440.  It  "  is  written  on  314  leaves  of 
paper,  in  a  somewhat  small  hand,  in  folio,  measuring  llf  in.  by  8£;  but  un- 
fortunately imperfect  both  at  the  beginning  and  end,  and  also  wanting  leaves  in  a 
few  other  places."  The  first  piece  which  it  contains,  a  "  Li-fe  of  Alexander  the 
Great,"  appears  to  be  in  an  older  hand,  and  to  have  been  originally  a  distinct  MS. 
In  it  the  letters  "J>"  and  "y"  are  distinct;  while  elsewhere  in  the  MS.  they  are  re- 
presented by  the  same  character,  except  in  the  Romance  of  Syr  Perecyuelle  of  Galles, 
also  in  a  different  hand.  "  Tomas  of  Ersseldowne  "  occupies  nine  pages,  beginning  at 
top  of  leaf  149,  back,  and  ending  on  the  2nd  column  of  leaf  153,  back,  with  15  lines, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  column  blank.  It  is  written  in  double  columns  of  from 
36  to  40  lines  in  a  column.  All  these  leaves  are  more  or  less  injured;  leaf  149 
very  slightly  so,  at  the  lower  corner,  where  the  beginnings  of  11.  35,  36  are  worn 
off.  In  leaf  150,  the  bottom  lines  in  the  outer  columns — 178  on  the  front,  and 
218  on  the  back — are  torn  through  ;  at  bottom  of  leaf  151,  the  ends  of  lines  336 — 
339  and  the  beginnings  of  lines  377 — 379  are  torn  off.  Leaf  152  is  greatly  injured, 
the  lower  part  having  been  torn  out  by  a  tear  extending  diagonally  across  from 
beginning  of  1.  446  to  end  of  1.  440,  and  from  beginning  of  1.  478  to  end  of  475 
on  the  front,  and  from  beginning  of  1.  512  to  end  of  514,  and  beginning  of  1.  555  to 
end  of  560  on  the  back.  Of  leaf  153  there  remains  only  a  fragment  containing  on 
the  front  20  lines  of  the  first  column  nearly  entire,  the  first  letters  of  15  more,  and 
the  four  last  with  the  whole  of  eol.  2  gone ;  on  the  back  similarly,  col.  1  is  gone 
entirely,  and  col.  2  wants  a  large  part  of  the  beginnings  of  the  lines.  The 
mutilated  state  of  this  MS.  is  the  more  to  be  regretted,  that  it  occurs  at  a  part  of 
the  poem  originally  found  in  the  Thornton  only,  and  now  therefore  entirely  lost. 


DESCRIPTION   OF   THE   MSS.  Ivii 

This  MS.  presents,  on  the  whole,  a  very  careful  and  accurate  text ;  only  in  a  few 
places,  as  mentioned  in  the  subsequent  notes,  Eobert  Thornton  has  misread  his 
original,  which  can  however  generally  be  restored.  It  is,  in  date  probably,  in  form 
certainly,  the  oldest  of  the  existing  MSS.,  retaining  the  original  Northern  form  of 
the  language  little  altered ;  while  it  is  free  from  most  of  the  corruptions  with  which 
the  next  two  MSS.,  the  Cambridge  and  Cotton,  abound. 

MS.  CAMBRIDGE,  Ff.  5.  48.  A  paper  manuscript  in  quarto,  of  140  leaves,  with 
about  30  lines  on  a  page,  English  handwriting  of  the  middle  of  the  15th  century. 
It  consists  of  five  parts,  whereof  the  first,  leaves  1 — 66,  contains  13  different  pieces, 
the  majority  being  devotional  poems;  the  second,  leaves  67 — 78,  five  pieces  similar 
in  character;  part  third,  leaves  79 — 94,  Homilies  for  St  Michael's  day,  the  feast  of 
the  Annunciation,  Palm  Sunday,  &c.  ;  part  4,  leaves  95 — 114,  four  articles,  of  which 
the  first  is  entitled  Prindpium  Anglie  ;  and  part  5,  leaves  115 — 140,  four  articles,  of 
which  the  second  (No.  26  in  the  MS.)  is  Thomas  of  Erseldoun.  It  begins  without  any 
title  on  leaf  119  a,  and  ends  leaf  1285,  occupying  nearly  10  leaves,  in  single 
columns.  The  writing,  besides  confusing  o  and  e,  c  and  t,  which  in  most  cases  can- 
only  be  distinguished  by  the  sense,  is  in  many  places  so  much  effaced  as  to  present 
great  difficulties  to  the  reader.  R.  Jamieson,  who  printed  it  in  his  Ballads  and 
Songs  at  the  "beginning  of  the  present  century,  says:  "The  Cambridge  MS.  has 
suffered  by  rain-water  nearly  as  much  as  the  Cotton  has  by  fire,  a  great  part  of 
each  page  having  become  illegible  by  the  total  disappearance  of  the  ink.  By  wet- 
ting it,  however,  with  a  composition  which  he  procured  from  a  bookseller  and 
stationer  in  Cambridge,  the  writing  was  so  far  restored  in  most  places,  that,  with 
much  poring  and  the  assistance  of  a  magnifying  glass,  he  was  able  to  make  it  out 
pretty  clearly.  The  greatest  difficulty  he  met  with  was  from  the  unlucky  zeal  and 
industry  of  some  person  who  long  ago,  and  in  a  hand  nearly  resembling  the 
original,  had  endeavoured  to  fill  up  the  chasms,  and,  as  appeared  upon  the  revival 
of  the  old  writing,  had  generally  mistaken  the  sense,  and  done  much  more  harm 
than  good."  Jamieson  little  thought  that  his  own  "unlucky  zeal  and  industry" 
would  in  process  of  time  entitle  him  to  equal  or  even  greater  reprobation,  for  the 
"  composition,"  which  he  so  naively  confesses  to  have  applied  to  the  MS.,  has 
dried  black,  and  both  disastrously  disfigured  the  pages  and  seriously  increased 
their  illegibility.  Nevertheless,  with  the  experienced  help  of  Mr  Bradshaw,  to 
whose  kindness  words  fail  to  do  justice,  I  have  been  enabled  to  reproduce  the  text 
with  greater  accuracy  than  either  of  its  previous  editors,  leaving  only  a  very  few 
blanks  where  words  are  quite  illegible.  It  presents  a  South ernized  version  of  the 


Ivlii  INTRODUCTION. 

original,  with  the  sense  not  seldom-,  and  the  rhyme  and  phraseology  often,  sacrificed 
in  transliteration  (as  where  myglit  and  mayne  becomes  mode  and  mone,  in  order  to 
rhyme  with  gone).  It  has  also  many  scribal  blunders,  due  apparently  to  its  tran- 
scriber not  being  able  perfectly  to  read  his  original.  In  its  extent  it  often  agrees 
with  the  Thornton  MS.  as  against  later  interpolations  and  omissions,  but  it  has  also 
large  omissions  of  its  own.  Where  its  readings  differ  from  the  Thornton,  it  is 
generally  unsupported  by  the  other  MSS.  In  some  places  where  it  presents  the 
greatest  discrepancy,  it  can  be  seen  that  originally  it  had  the  same  reading  as  T., 
but  was  subsequently  altered,  and  this  not  always,  as  Jamieson  thought,  by  some 
one  trying  to  restore  indistinct  passages,  for  the  original  is  quite  distinct,  but 
crossed  through  and  something  substituted.  In  several  instances  it  misplaces  one 
or  more  stanzas  as  to  the  order  of  which  all  the  other  MSS.  agree.  My  opinion  ot 
its  text  is  therefore  different  from  that  of  Mr  Halliwell,  who  calls  it  "  the  earliest 
and  best,"  and  attributes  it  to  the  early  part  of  the  15th  century,  not  to  mention 
the  idea  of  Mr  Wright,  who  considered  it  of  the  age  of  Edward  II.  Nevertheless, 
it  is  a  valuable  MS.,  especially  for  those  parts  where  the  Thornton  and  Cotton  are 
partially  or  wholly  destroyed. 

MS.  COTTON,  Vitellius  E.  x.  "  A  paper  volume  in  folio,  in  very  bad  condition, 
consisting  of  242  leaves."  This  is  one  of  the  MSS.  that  suffered  severely  in  the 
fire,  and  consists  of  charred  fragments  of  greater  or  less  extent  of  the  original 
leaves,  inlaid  and  rebound.  It  contains  26  different  articles  of  the  most  varied 
character,  in  very  different  handwriting,  but  apparently  all  of  the  15th  century,  a 
"  Colloquium  de  rebus  aulicis  sub  initio  regni  Edwardi  IV.,"  "  A  sermon  preached  at 
the  beginning  of  Parliament,  anno  1483,"  and  other  similar  sermons  in  the  reigns  of 
Edward  V.  or  Eichard  III.  The  copy  of  Thomas  of  Erseldown  which  it  contains  is 
in  a  heavy  clumsy  handwriting  of  "about  or  slightly  after  1450."  It  begins  on 
the  middle  of  leaf  240  b,  with  the  rubric,  "  Incipit  prophecia  Thome  de  Arseldon," 
and  this  page  contains  two  columns  of  30  lines  each.  But  the  rest  of  the  poem  is 
written  in  double  lines  across  the  page  of  about  50  (i.  e.  100  lines)  to  the  page, 
divided  in  the  middle  by  a  heavy  red  line,  or  (on  leaves  241  b,  242  a,  and  part  of 
242  b)  by  a  red  paragraph  mark.  Occasionally  the  scribe  has  only  got  one  line  in, 
which  throws  him  out,  so  that  his  following  lines  consist  not  of  the  two  first  and 
two  last  lines  of  a  stanza  respectively,  but  of  the  2nd  and  3rd,  followed  by  the 
4th  and  1st  of  the  next.  The  poem  is  written  without  a  break  from  beginning  to 
end,  except  that  after  line  301-2,  line  309-10  (the  first  two  of  Fytte  II.)  imme- 
diately follows,  but  is  struck  out  in  red,  and  repeated  after  leaving  a  blank  space 


DESCRIPTION    OP    THE   MSS.  Kx 

of  one  line. '  Fytt  I.  thus  wants  its  last  three  (i.  e.  six)  lines.  The  poem  ends  at  the 
very  bottom  of  leaf  243  a,  with  the  rubric  ....  hecia  thome  de  Arseldoune.  From 
the  burning  of  the  inner  side  of  the  leaves  of  the  MS.  scarcely  one  line  of  the  poem 
is  perfect }  very  often  half  the  double  line  is  burned  away,  so  that  when  printed  in 
single  lines  it  shows  in  many  places  only  the  alternate  ones.  See  lines  221,  &c. 
The  text  of  this  MS.,  so  far  as  it  goes,  agrees  closely  with  the  Thornton,  but  it 
omits  stanzas  very  often,  and,  like  all  the  MSS.  except  the  Thornton,  it  has  not 
11.  577 — 604.  It  has  also  some  singular  additions  of  its  own,  as  lines  109 — 116, 
and  others  near  the  end. 

MS.  LANSDOWNE  7^2,  a  small  4to  MS.  of  99  leaves  of  mixed  parchment  and 
paper,  of  about  1524 — 30.  It  contains  a  memorandum  of  the  different  orders  of 
Friars  in  London,  and  their  quarters,  as  then  existing,  "  the  writing  of  Valeraurice 
upon  the  xxi  conjunccion  of  planetes  in  the  moneth  of  February,  the  yere  of  our 
Lord  1524;"  a  few  lines  satirizing  the  craving  for  prophecies,  ending 

your  tethe  whet  in  this  bone 
Amonge  you  euerychone 
And  lett  Colen)  cloute  alone. 
The  prophecy  of  Skylton 
1529 

also  a  prediction  of  signs  and  prodigies  to  happen 

In  the  yere  of  our  lorde  I  vnderstande 
xv"  &  one  and  thirty  folowand. 

as  well  as  various  similar  predictions  for  later  years.  The  second  naif  of  the  MS. 
consists  almost  entirely  of  prophetic  literature,  articles  45,  61 — 74,  79,  82,  83,  be- 
ing of  this  description.  "  Thomas  of  Arsildoun  "  begins  without  title  on  middle  of 
leaf  24  a,  and  breaks  off  on  leaf  31  a  with  the  first  line  of  a  stanza,  some  70  lines 
from  the  end,  and  leaving  a  blank  space  of  several  lines'  extent  on  the  page.  Leaves 
24 — 28  are  paper,  29 — 31  parchment.  The  writing  is  very  neat  and  distinct,  in 
single  columns  of  32  lines  to  the  page,  and  without  a  single  break  from  beginning 
to  end,  or  any  larger  letter  at  the  fyttes ;  but  it  is  divided  (in  this  MS.  only)  into 
double  stanzas  of  eight  lines,  by  paragraph  marks  down  the  margin.  The  omission  of 
two  lines  in  the  6th  stanza  (11.  71,  72)  causes  the  paragraph  marks  for  a  short  way 
to  be  displaced.  In  addition  to  its  unfinished  ending,  this  MS.  omits  long  passages, 
and  has  three  additions  of  its  own,  lines  141 — 156,  with  its  counterpart  237 — 248, 
and  the  reference  to  Robert  II.,  1.  465—468. 

MS.  SLOANE  2578  is  a  paper  MS.  of  Prophecies,  small  4to  (8i  x  6  in.)  of  117 
leaves,  of  the  year  1547.  It  contains  several  (unfulfilled)  predictions  of  prodigies 


INTRODUCTION. 


for  the  years  1550,  1553,  and  1556;   and  the  following  table,  which  no  doubt 
applies  to  the  year  of  its  compilation  (leaf  31)  : 


The  Sttm  of  y'  Age  of  ye  worlde  vnto  y*  yeare 
of  Christ  1547  after  the  computation 

fthe  Ebrues  f5509] 

I  mirandula         5041 1 

of  \  Eusebius  <j  6737  1- 

Augustyne  1 6891 

[alphonse  '^8522J 


I  copy  from  the  Catalogue  the  following  abstract  of  its  contents,  with  additions 
of  my  own : — 

1.  Alphabetical  index  of  persons,  places,  and  subjects  to  the  ensuing  collection,  ff.  1 — 4. 

2.  Prophecies  relative  to  events  in  English  History,  written  in  verse  and  prose.     Among  them 

the  following  may  be  distinguished. 

[Of  him  that  shall  wyne  the  holy  cross,  leaf  5,  a] 

The  second  canto  of  the  prophetic  rhymes  of  Thomas  of  Ercildon,  ff.  6 — 11  J. 
The  prophecy  of  Cadar  and  Sibilla,  ff.  12 — 15.     Beginning: — 
"  Cadar  and  Sibell  bothe  of  them  sayes 

The  name  of  Fraunce  in  his  writinge 
Kinge  to  be  clepid  in  many  case 

In  all  his  lyfe  and  his  lykinge." 
Ending  : 

"  As  tray  tours  attainte  all  shalbe  tyde 

And  thus  their  sorrow  shall  wax  newe." 
Extract  from  a  prophecy  by  Merlin,  ff.  15  b— 17  a.     Begins  : 

"  When  the  cock  of  the  northe  hathe  buylde  his  neaste." 
[See  ante,  p.  xxxii.]     Ends  : 

"  desteny  shall  him  not  dere." 
[Many  leaves  of  short  prose  prophecies,  including  those  in  Appendix  II.,  and  at  p. 

Ixxx,  of  this  volume  ;  also  the  computation  of  the  year  1547  already  given.] 
Prophecy  of  events  to  happen  in  the  year  1553,  ff.  61 — 64.     Begins  : 
"  To  judge  the  trouthe  as  before  us  hathe  bene, 
So  judge  we  maye  all  that  shall  us  beseme." 
Stanzas  f.  64.     Begins  : 

"  An  Egle  shall  flye 
Up  into  the  Skye 

With  fyer  in  his  mowthe." 

Of  the  York  and  Lancaster  contests,  ff .  68 — 79.     Begins  : 
"  The  Scotts  shall  ryse  and  make  ado 
But  the  Bull  shall  purvey  therfore, 
That  they  shall  vanishe  &  home  againe  go 
And  forthink  ther  rysinge  for  evermore." 
A  prophecy  of  events  in  English  History,  ff.  79  I — 86.     Begins  : 

"  The  lande  of  Albion  shall  come  to  corruption  by  the  synne  of  pride,  letcherye, 

herysye  and  tratorye." 
A  prophecy  of  the  persecutions  of  the  Church,  ff.  86 — 88  &.     Begins  : 

"  In  the  yere  of  our  Lorde  God  a  M.vc  Ixv  a  great  tyrant  ageynste  the  Church 
with  might  and  mayne  shall  sley  many  of  the  Churche." 


PRINTED    EDITIONS.  Ixi 

Another  copy  of  the  verses  begins  : 

"  When  the  cocke  of  the  Northe  hathe  bilde  his  neste."— f.  100  b. 

3.  A  key  to  the  prophecies  comprised  in  the  foregoing  collection,  ff.  112  b — 116. 

It  might  be  worth  while  for  one  of  our  publishing  societies  to  print  the  whole 
of  this  MS.,  as  illustrating  one  phase  of  English  thought  in  the  middle  of  the 
16th  century.  One  of  the  prose  prophecies  which  specially  illustrates  Fytt  III. 
of  Thomas  of  Erceldoun  is  here  added  in  Appendix  II.,  and  two  other  short  ones 
will  be  found  in  the  Notes. 

The  prophecy  of  Erceldoun  begins  at  top  of  leaf  6  a,  with  the  heading, 

^  Heare  begynethe  j?e  ijd  fytt  I  saye 
of  Sir  thomas  of  Arseldon. 

It  is  written  in  single  ^columns  of  28  lines  each,  uninterrupted  by  a  single  break, 
and  ends  at  foot  of  leaf  11  b  with  the  word  "Finis."  A  peculiarity  of  the  text  of 
this  MS.  is  the  very  frequent  omission  of  the  first  line  of  a  stanza,  to  supply  the 
place  of  which  another  is  generally  interpolated  at  the  end,  or  some  lines  farther 
on,  so  as  to  complete  the  rhyme.  The  conclusion  is  also  very  much  abridged,  the 
writer  seemingly  being  impatient  of  everything  not  prophetic.  In  other  respects 
the  text  agrees  very  closely  with  the  Thornton  MS.  both  in  its  extent  and  readings, 
always  excepting  lines  577 — 604,  found  only  in  that  MS. 


PRINTED  EDITIONS. 

FYTTE  I.  of  Thomas  of  Erseldoune  was  printed  by  Scott  from  the  fragmentary 
Cotton  MS.  as  a  note  or  Appendix  to  the  so-called  "  traditional  ballad  "  in  the 
Border  Minstrelsy. 

The  whole  poem  was  shortly  after  printed  by  Eobert  Jamieson  in  his  Popular 
Ballads  and  Songs  from  Tradition,  Manuscripts,  and  Scarce  editions,  Edin. 
1806,  from  the  Cambridge  MS.,  with  collations  from  the  Lincoln  and  Cotton  MSS. 
Jamieson's  edition  presents  many  misreadings  and  not  a  few  wanton  alterations  of 
the  text. 

It  was  also  printed  in  full  by  David  Laing,  Esq.,  LL.D.,  in  his  Select  Remains 
of  the  Ancient  Popular  Poetry  of  Scotland,  Edin.  1822,  from  the  Lincoln  MS., 
with  the  blanks  of  that  manuscript  partially  supplied  from  the  Cambridge  text. 

In  1845  it  was  printed  by  J,  0.  Halliwell,  Esq.,  in  his  "Illustrations  of  the 


Ixii  INTRODUCTION. 

Fairy  Mythology  of  a  Midsummer  Night's  Dream  "  for  the  "  Shakespeare  Society." 
The  Editor  used  the  Cambridge  MS.  (which  he  calls  the  "  earliest  and  best,"  and 
attributes  to  "the  early  part  of  the  15th  century"),  but  printed  it  with  much  more 
care  than  had  been  done  by  Jamieson.  He  also  first  indicated  the  existence  of 
copies  of  the  poem  in  the  Lansdowne  and  Sloane  MSS.,  mentioning  at  the  same 
time  a  later  transcript  to  be  found  in  MS.  Rawlinson  C.  258,  in  the  Bodleian 
Library.  But  a  careful  examination  of  this  MS.  (now  C.  813)  by  Mr  Cox 
shows  that  it  contains  no  copy  of  Thomas  of  Erceldoune,  but  that  its  second  half 
consists  of  prophecies,  embracing  many  of  those  found  in  Lansdowne  792  and 
Sloane  2578,  some  of  which  quote  Thomas's  authority.  The  Rawlinson  C.  MSS. 
have  lately  been  catalogued,  and  no  copy  of  "Thomas  of  Erceldoune"  appears 
among  them. 

Finally,  Professor  F.  J.  Child  of  Harvard  University,  U.S.,  in  the  first  volume 
of  his  English  and  Scottish  Ballads,  London,  1861,  reprinted  the  first  fytte  of  the 
Thornton  text  from  Dr  Laing's  edition  of  1822,  with  corrections.  He  endorses  Dr 
Laing's  opinion  that  the  Thornton  is  the  earliest  text,  and  "  in  every  respect  pre- 
ferable to  that  of  either  of  the  other  manuscripts ; "  an  opinion,  the  correctness  of 
which  will  be  apparent  on  a  very  slight  examination  of  the  following  pages. 


THE  PRESENT  EDITION. 

THE  following  text  exhibits  all  the  MSS.  printed  in  parallel  columns.  In 
Fytte  L,  where  there  are  only  four  versions,  they  are  printed  in  the  following 
order  :  THORNTON,  COTTON  :  LANSDOWNE,  CAMBRIDGE.  But  from  Fytte  II.,  where 
the  SLOANE  MS.  begins,  it  takes  the  place  of  the  Cotton  in  the  parallels,  and  the 
fragmentary  Cotton  text  is  printed  below.  Up  to  line  88  of  this  edition,  the  lines 
of  the  Cotton  text  represent  those  of  the  MS.,  but  at  that  point  the  latter  begins 
to  be  written  in  double  lines  across  the  page,  so  that  the  printed  lines  represent 
the  half  lines  of  the  MS.  indicated  by  a  red  paragraph  mark  in  middle  of  the  line. 
This  will  explain  why,  in  many  places,  full  lines  alternate  with  defective  ones  or 
blank  spaces,  where  the  beginning  or  end  of  the  MS.  lines  are  burned.  But  from 
Fytte  II.,  where  the  Cotton  text  occupies  the  foot  of  the  page,  the  lines  are  printed 
as  in  the  MS.  with  a  dot  separating  the  two  halves,  though  for  convenience  of 
reference  they  are  numbered  to  agree  with  the  single  lines  above.  I  have  used  the 
thorn  (j>)  all  through  wherever  the  MSS.  represent  th  by  a  single  character, 


THE    PRESENT    EDITION.  Ixiii 

whether  or  not  this  is  identical  in  form  with  the  y  of  the  MS.  In  the  Lincoln 
MS.,  the  thorn  is  identical  with  the  y,  and  except  at  the  beginning  of  a  line  is 
regularly  used  for  th  in  the  2nd  personal  pronoun  and  demonstrative  words,  ac- 
cording to  the  ordinary  MS.  usage.  In  the  Cambridge  and  Cotton  MSS.,  where 
also  the  J>  is  in  form  identical  with  the  yy  its  use  for  th  is  still  more  regular.  The 
Lansdowne  uses  the  thorn  sparingly,  but  where  it  does  occur  it  is  usually  a  true  J> 
with  a  tall  head,  and  quite  distinct  from  y.  Its  usual  place  is  here  in  the  2nd 
personal  pronoun  forms,  also  often  in  olpe r,  ano^er ;  and  occasionally  it  turns  up 
in  strange  positions,  as  in  fry},  1.  319;  \ryue  and  \e,  1.  344;  ]>ryue  again  464; 
lofye,  1.  525.'  In  the  Sloane  MS.  the  thorn  is  more  frequent,  and  always  like  a  y. 

The  punctuation  and  inverted  commas  are  the  Editor's,  but  the  capital  letters 
are  as  in  the  MSS.  In  the  Cambridge  and  Lansdowne  MSS.,  however,  it  is  often 
doubtful  to  say  whether  the  initial  A  is  meant  for  a  capital  or  not ;  both  in  form 
and  size,  it  has  a  sort  of  medial  or  hybrid  character  which  passes  insensibly  into 
either  the  capital  or  small  letter.  In  the  Thornton  the  single  and  final  i  has 
always  a  tail  extending  below  the  line.  It  is  here  printed  *j  ';  but  of  course  it 
was  not  a  distinct  letter,  only  a  "distinguished  i"  used  when  the  letter  stood 
alone,  or  at  the  end  of  a  word  to  render  it  more  prominent.  The  barred  H  and  h", 
tagged  n),  and  other  marked  letters,  whose  meaning — if  they  had  any— is  doubtful, 
are  retained  in  the  text.  Letters  and  words  accidentally  omitted,  illegible,  obscure, 
or  in  any  way  doubtful,  are  enclosed  in  brackets.  These  will  be  found  very 
frequent  in  the  Cambridge  text  for  reasons  already  given  in  describing  that  MS.  ; 
and  it  will  be  understood  that  all  words  there  enclosed  in  brackets  indicate  indis- 
tinct places  in  the  MS.,  as  to  the  reading  of  which  there  exists  a  reasonable 
certainty.  Where  I  have  put  dots  the  words  are  quite  gone,  although  comparison 
with  the  other  texts  there  also  generally  indicates  what  is  to  be  supplied. 

On  account  of  the  different  extent  of  the  poem  in  the  various  MSS.,  and  the 
fact  that  passages  which  are  found  in  one  are  wanting  in  another,  the  arrangement 
of  the  texts  in  parallel  columns  necessitates  frequent  breaks  in  every  text,  and  in 
almost  every  page.  There  are  no  breaks  or  paragraphs  in  the  MSS.,  which  are 
written  straight  on  uninterruptedly,  with  no  recognition  of  any  omitted  passages. 
The  stanzas,  if  indicated,  are  shown  only  by  lines  connecting  the  ends  of  the  rhym- 
ing lines,  except  in  the  Lansdowne,  which  indicates  them  by  marginal  paragraph 

1  Through  an  error  in  the  press  the  thorn  appears  in  the  printed  text  in  the  following 
places  where  the  MS.  has  th  full  :  1.  44  the,  108  whet  here,  133  clothyng,  135  other,  139,  140 
the,  171  that,  188  the,  231  the,  261  The,  284  thre,  292  the,  296  Tliere,  449  The,  544  the.  In 
ev»?ry  other  place  it  is  as  in  the  MS, 


Ixiv  INTRODUCTION. 

marks.  There  are  no  breaks  even  at  the  beginnings  of  Fyttes  II.  and  III.,  though 
some  of  the  MSS.  commence  these  with  large  initial  letters  as  shown  in  the 
printing. 

In  a  few  places  where  the  Cambridge  MS.  misplaces  stanzas,  so  that  the  parallel 
arrangement  cannot  be  maintained,  the  transposition  is  carefully  noted  by  the 
numbering  of  the  lines,  as,  for  example,  11.  264,  272  ;  628,  640. 

The  poem  is  really  in  8-syllabic  four-line  stanzas,  the  first  line  rhyming  with 
the  third  and  the  second  with  the  fourth — ordinary  "  Long  Metre  "  indeed — and 
would  have  been  here  printed  as  such,  but  for  difficulties  occurring  where  the 
second  line  of  one  text  answers  to  the  first  of  another,  as  is  the  case  several  times 
with  the  Sloane  MS. 

In  numbering  the  lines,  every  line  and  stanza  is  counted  that  occurs  in  any  MS., 
except  such  as  are  clearly  accidental  interpolations,  like  the  two  lines  in  the 
Thornton,  between  1.  136  and  137,  or  those  added  in  the  Sloane  MS.  to  make  up 
for  a  line  previously  omitted.  To  this  numbering,  which  is  applicable  to  all  the 
texts,  all  references  are  made.  To  show,  however,  what  would  be  the  actual 
numbering  of  the  separate  texts,  and  to  what  lines  of  each  any  given  lines  of  the 
printed  edition  answer,  the  following  Collation  is  added,  which  will  also  serve  to 
show  more  distinctly  the  passages  present  and  absent  in  each  MS.  In  cases 
where  a  different  order  of  stanzas  or  lines  occurs  in  different  MSS.,  I  have  followed 
the  order  of  the  majority,  or  if  there  are  only  two  texts,  that  which  the  sense 
seemed  to  recommend. 


COLLATION 

OF  THE  CONTENTS  OF  THE  FIVE  MANUSCRIPTS  OF  THOMAS 
OF  ERCELDOUNE, 

showing  the  lines  present  and  absent  in  the  various  MSS.,  and  the  actual  lines  in 

each,  which  answer  to  each  other  and  to  those  numbered  in  the  printed  text. 

The  black  line  indicates  the  absence  of  the  passage  in  that  MS. 

(For  example,  the  five  lines,  89 — 93  of  the  printed  text,  represent  11.  81 — 85  of  the  Thornton 
MS.,  59 — 63  of  the  Lansdowne,  61 — 65  of  the  Cambridge,  and  originally  answered  to  61 — 65 
of  the  Cotton,  destroyed  through  the  partial  burning  of  the  MS.  They  are  altogether  wanting 
in  the  Sloane. 

The  four  lines  229—232  represent  199—202  Thornton,  169—172  Cotton,  183—186  Lans- 
downe, 173—176  Cambridge,  in  which  MS.  they  are  misplaced  between  11.  224  and  225  of  the 
general  numbering.) 


COLLATION    OF    THE    CONTENTS   OF   THE    FIVE    MANUSCRIPTS. 


Ixv 


PEOLOGUE. 


PRINTED  TEXT     THORNTON 

1_24          1—24 


SLOANE 


COTTON 


LANSDOWNE      CAMBRIDGE      LINES 


25—41 

42—45 

46—64 

65—68 

69 

70 

71—72 

73—88 

89—93 

94—108 

109—116 


25—41 


42—60 


accidentally 
omitted      ' 


62 
63—64 

65—80 
81—85 
86—100 


117—136  101—120 

(unnumbered)  121—122 

137_140  123—126 
141—156 

157—160  127—130 

161—164  131—134 

165—188  135—158 

189—192  159—162 

193—196  163—166 

197—200  167—170 

201—208  171—178 

209—212  179—182 

213—224  183—194 

[229—232]  (see  below) 

225—228  195-198 

229—232  199—202 

233—236  203—206 
237—248 

249—260  207—218 

[269—272]  (see  below) 

ERCILDOUN. 


FYTT  I. 
1—17 

1-17 
18      °1 

1—17 

At, 

17 

4 
19 
4 
1 
1 
2 
16 
5 
15 
8 
20 

[2] 
4 
16 
4 
4 
24 
4 
4 
4 
8 
4 
12 

[4] 
4 
4 
4 
12 
12 
W 

1C         Q£ 

22—40 

18—36 
37      40 

37      40 

41 

AO 

41 

42 

41 

42 
43—44 
45—60 
61—65 
66—80 

43    \\ 

45—60 

/A1        fi5Mn~f 

43—58 

KQ        «Q 

66—80 
81      88 

64—78 

GO      ino 

79—98 

81—100 

10Q      11° 

qq      i  no 

101      104 

103      118 

mi  i  a 

1  1  q      100 

105      108 

1  OQ      11° 

H7_140 

123—146 
147      150 

113—136 
ml  40 

ml  \  \ 

151       1  54 

ml  \\ 

145_148 
1  4Q      1  5fi 

1  A  K        1  PjO 

155      1  fi° 

IfiS      Ififi 

157      IfiO 

1  K9        If*  A 

Ifi7      178 

ml  7° 

(see  below) 
165—168 
IfiQ      17° 

(see  below) 
179—182 
183—186 
i  Qq      i  qo 

173—176 
177_180 
(see  above) 
181       184 

ml  7fi 

iqQ      ono 

177—188 

203—214 
(see  below) 

185—196 
m200 

e 

Ixvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


PRINTED  TEXT     THORNTON 

261—268  219—226 

269—272  227—230 

273—302  231—260 

303—308  261—266 


SLOANE 


COTTON         LANSDOWNE      CAMBRIDGE       LINES 

189—196     215—222  201—208  8 

197_200     223—226  (see  above)  4 

201—230     227—256  209—238  30 

257—262  238—244  6 

FYTT  II. 


309—316 
317—320 
321—324 

QOPC        QOS 

267—274 

275—278 
279—282 

OQQ  OQ£ 

1—8 
9—12 
13—16 
17    on 

237—244 

245—248 

O/iQ        O^O 

261—270 
269—274 
273—278 

245—252 
253—256 
257—260 

OAT         Ofi/| 

8 
4 
4 
4 
1 
3 
4 
4 
12 
4 
4 
4 
8 
4 
8 

[4] 
4 
8 
4 
12 
4 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 

[2] 

2 

9 

329 
330—332 
333_336 
337_340 
341—352 
353—356 
357—360 
361—364 
365—372 
373_376 
377_384 
[397_400] 

3«K        Q«Q 

287 
288—290 

OQ1  OQ/i 

/O1  \  accidentally 
(**)  omitted 

22—24 

O5        OQ 

253 
254—256 

,  

265 
266—268 
°fiO      °7° 

OQPC  OQQ 

OQ        QO 

0^7      ofiO 

073      o7« 

299—310 

Ql  1  Q1  A 

33—44 

AK        AQ 

261—272 

277—290 

277—288 

ooq      ooo 

315—318 
319—322 
323—330 

49—52 
53—56 
57—64 

273—276 

277—280 
281—288 

289—292 
293  298  • 
297—306 

293—296 
*297—  300 
301—308 
309—312 
313—320 

321—324 

331—338 
(see  below) 

33Q  3^0 

65—72 
(see  below) 
73—76 

77     84 

289—296 
297—300 

305—314 
(see  below) 
313      318 

3«Q        30fi 

343  350 

301      308 

317     39fi 

397—400 
401      ^11° 

351—354 
355  3fifi 

85—88 
8Q      100 

(see  above) 
30Q      3°0 

325—330 
QOQ      340 



413      416 

367—370 
371—372 
373_374 
375—376 

377  37ft 

101      104- 

311       34fi 

417—418 
419—420 
421—422 
423—424 
425—426 
427—428 
(extra  lines) 
429—430 
4.31       439 

105—106 
107—108 

321  —  322 
323—324 
3°  5      3-^  ft 

345—348 
347—350 
349—352 
351       351 

325—326 
327—328 
329—330 

379—380 
381—382 

109—110 
111—112 

327—328 
329—330 
331      332 

355—356 

357—358 

331—332 

383—384 

113—114 

11  K        1  1« 

333—334 
33.5      3.  3  ft 

333      331 

33.5     -33« 

COLLATION   OP   THE   CONTENTS    OF    THE    FIVE   MANUSCRIPTS. 

PRINTED  TEXT     THORNTON  SLOANE               COTTON          LANSDOWNE  CAMBRIDGE      LINES 

433—440  385—392  117—124  337—344  359—366  337—344    8 

441  393  125  345  367  1 

442  394  346  368  1 
443_450  395—402  126—133  347—354  369—376  8 

(extra  line)         134  [1] 

451_466     403—418  135—150  355—370  377—392  16 

467—470  393—396  4 

471—472     419—420  151—152  371—372  397—398  2 

473—474     421—422  153—154  (see  below)  399—400  2 

475—476     423—424  155—156  373—374  401—402  2 

[473 — 474]    (see  above)  (see  above)  375 — 376  (see  above)  [2] 

477—478     425—426  157—158  377—378  403—404  345—346         2 

479—480    (427—428)  159—160  379—380  405—406  347—348         2 

481              (429)  381  407  349  1 

482—484   (430—432)  161—163  382—384  408—410  350—352         3 

[extra]  164  [1] 

485—488    (433—436)  165—168  385—388  411—414  353—356         4 

FYTT  III. 

489—492  437—440  389—392  415—418  4 

493—500  441—448  169—176  393—400  419—426  357—364    8 

501—504  449—452  177—180  401—404  427—430  4 

505—508  453—456  181—184  405—408  365—368    4 

509—512  457—460  185—188  409—412  431—434  369—372    4 

513—514  458—462  189—190  413—414  435—436  2 

515—524  (463—472)  191—200  415—424  437—446    10 

525—527  (473—475)  201—203  425—427  447—449  373—375    3 

528  476  204  428  450  376        1 

529  477  429  451  377  1 
530—536  478—484  205—211  430—436  452—458  378—384    7 
[extra]  212  [1] 
537—548  485—496  213—224  437—448  459—470  12 
549—552  497—500  225—228  385—388    4 
553—560  501—508  229—236  449—456  389—396    8 
561—564  —  (457 — 460  397—400    4 
565—571  (509—515)  237—243  461—467) 401—407    7 


Ixviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


PRINTED  TEXT 

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Ixix 


NOTES  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 


The  PROLOGUE  is  found  only  in  the  Thornton  MS.,  and  is  presumably  no  part  of  the 
Romance  in  its  original  form,  although  from  its  occurrence  in  the  earliest  MS.  it  must 
be  little  later  than  the  completion  of  the  poem  itself  as  we  now  have  it.  It  takes  the 
form  of  a  prelude  by  a  minstrel  or  reciter  to  commend  the  poem  to  the  attention  of 
his  audience  who  are  twice  committed  as  "  ynglyschemen  "  to  the  safe  keeping  of 
Christ.  Unless  the  word  may  have  been  changed  for  "  Scottismen,"  the  prologue  is 
therefore  the  addition  of  a  northern  English  author.  Its  dialect  is  pure  Northern,  less 
altered  even  than  the  text  itself. 

L.  1  lystyns,  1.  2  takis,  1.  10,  12  hase.  In  the  Northern  dialect  since  the  12th  or 
13th  century  the  plural  of  the  present  indicative  and  imperative  has  ended  in  -s,  when 
unaccompanied  by  its  proper  pronoun  we,  ye,  they.  When  these  are  present  there  is  no 
termination.  See  Dialect  of  Southern  Scotland,  pp.  211 — 214. 

1.  2.  takis  gude  tente,  take  good  heed ;  tent,  no.,  care,  attention,  vb.  to  attend,  take 
heed;  "  Tent  me,  billie — there  's  a  gullie  !  " — Burns. 

1.  7.  pristly,  readily,  quickly,  actively.  1.  8.   blyne,  cease. 

1.  11.   sere,  various,  several.  1.  15.  tyte,  soon,  quick. 

1.  16.  sythene,  for  the  Northern  sen,  syne,  as  in  1.  6,  which  would  improve  the  rhyme. 

1.  22.  by-leue,  remain  ;  German  bleiben,  Dutch  b-lijven. 

FYTTE  I. 

1.  25 — 28.  The  Cotton  differs  considerably  from  the  others,  Th.  and  Ca.  showing 
the  original  reading. 

1.  25.  Endres-day  =  ender  day,  this  by-gone  day.  Icel.  endr,  of  yore,  formerly. 
Lat.  ante.  «  As  j  myseife  ]ay  this  enderz  nyght 

All  alone  withowten  any  fere."— MS.  Rawl.  C.  813,  leaf  54. 

1.  26.  grykyng,  the  graying,  or  gray  of  the  morning  : 
"  It  was  na  gray  day-licht." 

1.  28.  Huntle  banJcys,  on  Eildon  Hills,  near  Melrose.     See  Introduction,  p.  li. 

1.  30.  Mawes,  mavys  /  L.  corruptly  maner  for  manes,  the  mavis  or  song  thrush  ;  but 
the  throstyll  of  the  preceding  line  is  also  the  thrush,  which  L.  accordingly  changes 
into  the  merle  or  blackbird,  menyde,  Co.  corruptly  movyde,  bemoaned  herself,  sung 
plaintively. 

1.  30,  32.  songe,  ronge,  doubtless  originally  tne  Northern  sang,  rang,  as  in  1.  56. 

1.  31.  The  Wodewale,  the  wood-lark,     bcryde,  Ca.  corruptly  farde,  vociferated,  made 


IxX  NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 

a  noise ;  "  the  rumour  of  rammasche  foulis  and  of  beystis  that  maid  greie  leir" — 
Compl.  of  Scotl,  p.  38,  1.  24. 

1.  32.  shawys  in  L.  for  wode  of  others,  still  used  as  an  equivalent,  in  the  north. 
IB],  sJcdg,  Dan.  skov. 

1.  36.  lonely,  Ca.  and  L.,  is  no  doubt  the  original,  corrupted  by  T.  to  longe,  and 
glossed  by  Co.  asfayre.  In  Ca.  lonely  would  be  as  good  a  reading  of  MS.,  but  was 
lonely  =  al-onely,  then  in  existence  ? 

1.  37.  jogh,  Co.  for  ]pogh,  the  j)  and  3  frequently  confounded  by  ignorant  scribes. 

1.  38.  wrabbe  andwrye :  wrolle,  ivralle  =  warble  ?  sing  ;  wry  =  wray,  bewray,  reveal. 
Or  perhaps  Sc.  wrable,  warble,  wurble,  to  wriggle,  and  wrye\  to  twist ;  to  wriggle  and 
twist  with  the  tongue  in  the  attempt  to  find  language  to  describe  her. 

1.  40..  aslcryed,  skryed,  discryued,  described  ;  Fr.  escri-re,  descri-re. 

1.  41 — 72.  Tiie  description  of  the  lady,  in  which  T.  and  Ca.  closely  agree,  varies 
much  in  Co.  and  L.,  the  latter  inserting  1.  42 — 45. 

1.  46 — 48.  none,  schone,  bone,  stone,  in  pure  Northern  would  be  nane,  scheme,  bane, 
stane;  which  the  original  doubtless  had.  See  11.  81,  83  ;  345,  347. 

1.  49.  Selle,  sadyl,  sege,  equivalents,  the  latter  properly  a  seat  (of  honour).  Roelle 
bone,  called  also  rewel  lone,  rowel  lone,  reuylle  lone,  "  an  unknown  material  of  which 
saddles  especially  are  in  the  romances  said  to  be  made."  See  Chaucer's  "  Sir  Topas," 
which  presents  several  points  of  contact  with  the  description  here  : — 

"  His  jambeux  were  of  cuirbouly,  His  spere  was  of  fin  cypress 

His  swerdes  sheth  of  ivory,  That  bodeth  werre,  and  nothing  pees, 

His  helme  of  latoun  bright,  The  hed  ful  sharpe  y-ground  ; 

His  sadel  mas  of  rewel-bone,  His  stede  was  all  dapple  gray, 

His  bridel  as  the  sonne  shone,  It  goth  an  aumble  in  the  way 

Or  as  the  mone  light.  Fully  softely  and  round 

In  lond." 

Rev.  W.  W.  Skeat  suggests  that  "  rowel  -—  Latin  rotella,  Fr.  rouelle,  i.  e.  bone  rounded 
and  polished,  for  the  front  or  peak  of  the  saddle." 

1.  52.  Crapotee,  toad  stone  :  srnaragdus  or  emerald,  "  which  often  contains  a  flaw,  in 
shape  suggesting  a  toad."  The  Promptorium  Parvulorum  has  "  Crepawnde,  or  crapawnde, 
precyous  stone  (crepaud,  P.)  Samaragdus." 

Note.  "  Crapaude,  a  precious  stone,  crapaudine."  Palsgrave.  Cotgrave  explains 
crapaudine  as  signifying  "  the  stone  chelonitis,  or  the  toad  stone."  In  the  Metrical 
Romance  of  Emare  is  described  a  rich  vesture,  thickly  set  with  gems,  rubies,  topaze, 
"  crapowtes  and  nakette  ;"  the  word  is  also  written  crapawtes.  More  detailed  information 
will  be  found  in  Gesner,  de  quadrup.  ovip.  II.  9.  See  also  Donee's  Illustrations  o'f  Shake- 
speare, "  As  You  Like  It,"  Act  2,  Sc.  i.  ;  and  the  word  "  toadstone  "  in  Nares'  Glossary. 
1.  53.  Stones  of  Oryente,  Eastern  or  Oriental  gerns  ;  the  name  may  have  been  given 
definitely  to  some  stones  or  varieties  of  stones  only  found  in  the  East,  as  the  Turquoise, 
which  derives  its  name  (pierre  turquoise)  from  Turkestan,  where  alone  it  is  found. 
"  The  name  Oriental  Emerald  is  given  to  a  very  rare  beautiful  and  precious  green 
variety  of  Sapphire."  "  The  finest  red  rubies  are  generally  called  Oriental  Rubies" 
So  also  in  "  Alliterative  Poems,"  edited  by  Dr  Morris,  we  have 

"  f?e  grauayl  that  on  grounde  can  grynde 
Wern  precious  perlez  of  oryente" 

Oryons  in  Ca.  may  be  oryens,  as  o  and  e  are  generally  indistinguishable  in  this  MS. 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY.  Ixxi 

1.  54.   hang,  Northern  past  tense  of  king. 

1.  55,  56  are  properly  wanting  in  L.,  but  lines  71,  72  are  brought  from  their  own 
place  instead ;  11.  57 — 60  are  quite  altered  in  L.  and  Co. 

1.  56.  a  whylle,  one  while ;  indef.  article  and  numeral,  identical  in  N.  dialect. 

1.  57.  garthes,  girths  or  garters  ? 

1.  60.  perelle,  pearl ;   Ca.  perry,  pierreries,  jewels,  precious  stones. 

1.  61.  payetrelle,  "breast-leather  of  a  horse";  Fr.  poitrail ;  L.  corruptly  parrell, 
apparel. 

Iral,  T.  jral  fyne,  Ca.  riall  fyne,  Co.  yra L.  Alarane ;  the  original 

probably,  Iral-stane,  rhyming  with  scheme.  So  in  the  "Anturs  of  Arthur  at  Tarn- 
wathelan,"  the  Ireland  MS.  has 

"  Betun  downe  berels,  in  bordurs  so  brj^te 
That  with  stones  iraille  were  strencult  and  strauen, 
Frettut  with  fyne  gold  that  failis  in  the  fijte." 

And  the  Thornton  MS.  of  the  same  : — 

"  Stones  of  iral  they  strenkel,  and  strewe, 
StiJ>e  stapeles  of  stele  J>ey  strike  don  stijt." 

I  can  get  no  liglii  on  iral-stane  ;  the  scribes  also  seem  not  to  have  understood  it, 
and  hence  their  alterations,  rial,  alarane,  &c. 

1.  62.    Orphare,  orfevrie,  goldsmiths'  work  ;  Lat.  aurifaber,  Fr.  orfevre,  a  goldsmith. 

1.  63.  Reler  in  L.  perhaps  corrupt  for  silver,  as  gold,  which  the  others  have,  had 
been  already  put  in  the  rhyming  line. 

1.  65 — 68  in  Co.  look  like  a  variation  of  the  stanza  before,  with  the  lines, 

"  A  semly  sy^t  it  w[as  to  se] 
In  euery  joynt  [hang  bellis  thre]." 

1.  65.  Ca.  for  iij,/o«?*  was  originally  written  and  struck  out. 

1.  67 — 70  in  Ca.  are  clearly  an  awkward  interpolation  in  the  midst  of  an  original 
stanza;  the  lines  are  omitted  in  MS.,  but  written  at  side  and  foot  with  marks  of 
insertion. 

.  68.  lire  in  Ca.  (A.S.  Ueor}  face,  cheek. 

.  69.  grewe  hound,  the  Grey  hound  or  Greek  hound,  Canis  Grains,  still  called  in 
Scotland  a  Grewe,  which  was  the  Older  Scotch  for  a  Greek. 

.  70.  rache,  a  hound  that  follows  by  the  scent,  as  the  Grewe  does  by  sight. 

.  71.   halse,  neck  ;  A.S.  heals. 

.  72.  flone,  properly  flane,  to  rhyme  with  rane  above,  an  arrow;  A.S.  flan. 

.  74.  ane  semely  tree,  bespeaks  a  Scotch  original. 

.  75.  He  sayd :  so  1.  87,  and  sayd ;  1.  157,  scho  sayd ;  1.  161,  And  say d.  These 
words,  as  in  the  old  Romances  generally,  are  extra-metrical,  and  are  rather  directions 
to  the  reader  or  reciter,  like  the  names  of  speakers  in  a  Shakspearian  play,  or  our 
modern  inverted  commas,  than  part  of  the  poem,  to  be  said  or  sung.  They  were  read 
only  by  a  change  of  tone  or  a  gesture. 

1.  75,  77.  $one,  Th.  ;  the  other  MSS.  show  that  this  demonstrative  was  already 
little  used  in  English  proper. 

1.  80,  84.  Eldoune  tree.  A  solitary  tree  that  formerly  stood  on  the  slope  of  one  of 
the  three  Eildon  Hills  near  Melrose  ;  see  Introduction,  p.  1.  Ca.  does  not  understand 
the  local  reference,  and  makes  eldryne  =  eldera,  like  oaken,  beechew. 


Ixxii  NOTES,    TEXTUAL    AND    EXPLANATORY. 

1.  81.  radly,  rathely  ;  A.S.  hrcedllce,  quickly,  readily.  The  Northern  rase,  when 
altered  to  rose  in  the  other  three  MSS.,  ceases  to  rhyme- with  sayes. 

1.  83.  als  the  storye  sayes,  and  again  123,  als  the  siorye  tellis  full  ryghte,  implies  an 
older  version  of  the  tale  than  that  in  the  poem.  See  Introduction,  p.  xxiv. 

1.  87.  and  sayd,  T.  and  Co.     See  1.  75,  n. 

1.  89.  mylde  of  thoght  in  T.  and  L.,  shown  by  the  rhyme  to  be  the  original. 

1.  94.  payrelde,  apparelled. 

1.  95.  fee  in  the  original  sense  of  A.S./eoA,  Germ.  Vieh,  beasts,  cattle. 

1.  96.  rynnys,  Northern  pi.  with  noun  subject,  of  which  Ca.  rannen  for  rennen  is 
Midi.,  and  L.  rennyng,  a  scribal  misconception  of  the  latter. 

1.  98.    balye  in  Ca.  mistake  of  scribe  for  folye  ;  so  1.  3\,farde  for  beird. 

1.  99.  ivysse,  wyce,  wise,  rhymes  with  price.  It  is  still  always  so  pronounced  in 
North. 

1.  102.  Ca.  reads  let  meb  me  be. 

1.  104.  synne  in  T.  probably  an  interpolation  ;  gives  rise  to  mistake  in  L.  of  syne, 
then,  thereafter. 

1.  106.  L.  read  dwelle.  1.  107.  trowche  =•  trowthe. 

1.  108.  by  hues.     See  1.  22. 

1.  109 — 116,  interpolated  in  Co.,  are  not  in  keeping  with  the  context,  but  probably 
the  boast  which  the  lady  fears  was  true  to  the  manners  of  the  age. 

1.  115.  crystenty ;  Fr.  chretiente,  Christendom. 

"  Three  blither  lads  that  lang  lone  nicht 

Were  never  found  in  Christendee" — Burns. 

1.  116.  Co.  wryede,  accused,  bewrayed;  A.S.  wrfyean,  wre^od. 

1.  119.  T.  chewys  fyewerre  ;  Co.  cheuyst,  achievest,  succeedest,  comest  off,  the  worse; 
Ga.  glosses  thryuist,  and  L.  corrupts  to  chece  hit,  perhaps  chesit,  chose  ! 
1.  125.   the[e\  lykes,  impersonal,  te  delectat. 

"At  first  in  heart  it  liked  me  ill 
When  the  king  praised  his  clerkly  skill." — Scott,  Marmion,  vi.  15. 

1.  126.  byrde,  bride,  married  lady ;  Piers  Plowman  has  burde,  buirde,  birde,  berde  ; 
deel  =  dele,  deal,  probably  the  original ;  Ca.  has  dwel. 
1.  132.  are,  A.S.  cer,  ere,  before. 
1.  135.  hir  a  schanke  blake,  her  one  leg  black,  her  other  grey.     Ca.  had  originally, 

"  \}Q  too  shanke  was  blak,  J?e  io\>ur  gray 
and  alle  hir  body  like  J>e  leede." 

which  is  the  same  as  T.  (J>e  too,  ]?e  fojmr  =  tyet  oo,  J?e£-ojmr,  the  one,  the  other) ;  but 
the  second  hand  has  altered  it  into  the  reading  of  the  text,  where  6foo,  beten,  and  leed, 
may  be  equally  blee,  beton,  lood. 

1.  139.  fasyd  in  L.,  a  scribal  error  for  fadyd. 

1.  141 — 156.  L.  The  conduct  attributed  to  Thomas  is  unworthy,  and  the  whole 
scene  out  of  keeping.  The  rhymes  also  break  down  into  mere  assonances. 

1.  157.  scho  sayd,  T.     See  1.  75,  n. 

1.  158.  Ca.  again  brings  in  the  eldryne  ire. 

1.  159.  gone  can  hardly  be  original,  as  the  pure  Northern  would  be  gaa.  I  suggest 
wone  =  dwell. 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 

1.  1GO.  Mc.dill-ertlie ;  A.S.  middan-eard  •  Isl.  mid-gard,  the  Earth,  as  the  middle 
region  of  the  Old  Northern  cosmogony. 

1.  161 — 164.  Ca.  has  a  remarkable  variation,  bringing  out  more  clearly  that  Thomas 
invokes  not  the  lady,  but  the  Queene  of  Heuene,  Mary  mylde. 

1.  167.    by-teche,  be-teche  ;  A.S.  be-tcecan,  to  deliver,  commit. 

1.  169.  Eldone  Hill,  on  the  Tweed,  near  Melrose  ;  a  mountain  mass  divided  into 
three  summits.  See  Introduction,  p.  xlix.  Ca.  again  says  eldryne  tre,  but  the  latter 
•word  is  erased,  and  hill  substituted. 

1.  170.  derne,  secret.  Ca.  has  grenewode  tre}  the  last  word  obliterated,  and  lee 
substituted. 

1.  171.  Ca.  had  originally,  -. 

"  It  was  derk  as  mydnyght  myrke," 
as  in  Th.,  but  this  is  altered  to, 

"  Wher  hit  was  derk  as  any  hell." 

The  former  would  seem  to  be  the  correct  reading,  though  it  rhymes  with  itself,  instead 
of  1.  169,  and  the  attempt  to  make  it  rhyme  with  the  latter  has  caused  the  three 
different  readings  in  Ca.,  Co.,  and  L. 

1.  173.  montenans,  amount ;  glossed  space  in  Ca.,  mistaken  in  L. 

1.  176.  fowte  in  Ca.  looks  \\kefewte;  fawte  is  correct ;  Fr.faute,  failure,  want. 

1.  177.  herbere,  garden  of  herbs  or  trees,  enclosed  garden,  later  summer-house.  The 
original  word  appears  to  have  been  the  O.Fr.  herbier,  a  herbary,  in  O.E.  herber,  erber  ; 
but  to  have  been  confounded  with  the  O.E.  herber^e,  hereberwe,  herborwe,  herbor,  herber, 
A.S.  hereberge,  Icel.  herbergi,  O.H.G.  heriberga,  harbour,  shelter,  hospitium.  "  Wo  bist 
du  zur  Herberge"  John  i.  38. — Luther.  Then  it  has  been  misspelt  in  modern  times 
arbour  from  its  assumed  connexion  with  trees.  At  Cavers,  in  Roxburghshire,  there  is 
a  hill  called  the  Herber  Law  or  Pleasure-garden  Hill  (pronounced  as  in  "  to  herber 
[harbour]  thieves."  The  Herbere  in  the  poem  was  clearly  a  garden  of  fruit  trees. 
Note  that  Orchard  (in  South  Sco.  Wurtshert)  now  a  garden  of  fruit  trees,  was  originally 
also  a  garden  of  herbs  or  vegetables,  Wyrtyard. 

1.  180.  damasee,  the  Damascene,  or  Damson : 

"  J>er  weore  growyng  so  grene 
\}Q  Date  wijj  the  Damesene." — Pystil  of  Sivete  Susanne. 

"  The  plum  is  a  native  of  Caucasus  and  Asia  Minor.  Cultivated  varieties,  according  to 
Pliny,  were  brought  from  Syria  into  Greece,  and  thence  into  Italy.  Such  was,  for 
instance,  the  Damson  or  Damascene  Plum,  which  came  from  Damascus  in  Syria,  and 
was  very  early  cultivated  by  the  Romans." — Treasury  of  Botany,  p.  932. 

1.  181.  wyneberye,  the  grape  ;  A.S.  win-berime,  pynnene  in  L.  is  perhaps  adjective 
from  pine,  but  fre  is  no  doubt  for  tre.  % 

1.  182.  T.  nyghtgale,  A.S.  nihtegale,  night-singer,  night-gladdener  ;  the  others  have 
the  inserted  n,  nyghtyw-gale,  found  in  the  South  as  early  as  Chaucer. 

1.  183.  paydays;  Ital.  papagallo,  i.e.  Pope-cock;  Sp.  papagay ;  O.Fr.  papegay, 
Russian  popagay,  a  parrot  or  "  popinjay  ;  "  Sc.  Papingo. 

1.  191.  or,  ere,  before  ;  "  or  ever  they  came  at  the  bottom  of  the  den,"  Dao.  vi.  24. 
Or  is  still  the  regular  Northern  form  of  ere,  antequam. 

1.  193.  hyghte,  call,  command,  past  used  for  present. 


1XX1V  NOTES,    TEXTUAL    AND    EXPLANATORY. 

1.  199.  paye,  to  pacify,  please,  satisfy,  and  hence  pay;  Lat.  pacare;  Ital.  pagare ; 
Fr.  payer. 

1.  201 — 216.  The  MSS.  differ  much  in  particulars,  but,  with  exception  of  Co.,  all  make 
four  ways,  which  seem  to  be  to  heaven,  purgatory,  and  hell,  and  (but  coming  first  in 
the  list)  from  purgatory  to  heaven,  "  whan  synful  sowlis  haue  duryd  ther  peyn." 

1.  204.   rysse,  ryce,  rese,  rise;  A.S.  hris,  twig,  brushwood.     Still  in  common  use  in  N. 

1.  209 — 212.  Wanting  in  Co.,  and  varies  greatly  in  the  others,  tene  &  traye,  pain 
and  trouble;  A.S.  te6na  and  trega.  drye,  Ca.  endure;  A.S.  dreogan;  Sc.  dree. 

1.  219.  it  bearis  the  belle,  occupies  the  first  rank,  surpasses  all,  alluding  to  the  leader 
of  a  flock  or  herd  which  has  a  bell  round  its  neck. 

1.  223.  me  ware  leuer,  impersonal,  mihi  fuerit  satius,  I  had  rather  =.  I  would  rather 
have  it. 

1.  225.  Here  Ca.  transposes  two  stanzas,  but  the  order  is  obvious.  The  lady  takes 
the  most  certain  means  of  preventing  Thomas  from  divulging  secrets  by  binding  him 
to  answer  no  one  but  her. 

1.  230.  L.  thirty  bolde  barons  and  thre:  this  jingling  combination  of  numbers  dis- 
tinguishes the  later  prophecies,  and  modern-antique  ballads,  but  is  not  found  in  the  earlier. 

1.  231.  desse,  deyce,  the  raised  dais  (O.Fr.  dels  ;  Lat.  discus)  at  top  of  the  hall. 

1.  235.  as  white  as  whelys  bone,  the  ivory  of  the  narwhal  or  walrus. 

1.  237 — 252.  These  inquisitive  demands  of  Thomas  are  only  in  L.,  but  seem  old. 

.  250.   hir  raches  couplede,  her  hounds  having  been  coupled  again. 
.  261.  Ca.  here  again  transposes  three  stanzas. 

.  267.  T.  bryttened,  cut  up,  broke  down;  A.S.  brytan,  to  break;  brytnian,  to  dis- 
pense ;  L.  trytlege,  scribal  error  for  brytlning,  as  in  Ca. ;  wode,  mad. 
.  274.  parde,  per  deum. 

.  276.  My  lufly  lady  sayd  to  me  ;  so  all  the  older  MSS.     L.  alone  changes  it  into  3rd 

perSOD'  "  To  hym  spake  that  ladye  fre.' ' 

.  277.  \e  buse  =  (it)  behoves  thee  ;  past  tense,  bud,  byd,  behoved  ;  he  byd  be  a  fule  ! 

.  286.   thre  ^ere  ;  Ca.  says  seuen,  which  is  the  traditional  period. 

.  288.  sJcylle,  reason,  cause,  as  well  as  the  reasoning  faculty. 

.  289.  to-morne,  still  Northern  English,  "  to-morn  't  morn,"  to-morrow  morning  ; 
Scotch  the  morn. 

1.  290.  amange  this  folke  will  feche  his  fee,  refers  to  the  common  belief  that  the 
fairies  "  paid  kane  "  to  hell,  by  the  sacrifice  of  one  or  more  individuals  to  the  devil 

every  seventh  year. 

"  Then  wod  I  never  tire,  Janet, 

In  Elfish  land  to  dwell ; 
But  aye  at  every  seven  years 

They  pay  the  teind  to  hell  ; 
And  I'm  sae  fat  and  fair  of  flesh, 

I  fear  twill  be  my-sell." 

"I'd  paid  my  kane  seven  times  to  hell 

Ere  you'd  been  won  away." — TJie  Young  Tamlane. 

1.  291.  hende,  gentle,  also  skilful. 

1.  294.  hethyne,  hence ;  the  scribes,  with  the  exception  of  Co.,  misunderstand  this 
Northern  word,  and  write  heven. 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY.  IxXV 

1.  296.  I  rede,  I  counsel;  A.S.  raedan ;  uerm.  rathen. 

.  200.  fowles  singes ;  see  1.  1. 

.  301 — 304.  This  stanza,  though  in  all,  comes  in  very  awkwardly,  nor  can  I  ex- 
plain to  what  it  refers. 

.  303.  T.  Erlis  ;   Ca.  yrons,  an  erne's  or  sea  eagle's. 

.  306.  yon  benttis  browne.     L.  distorts  into  yowre  brwtes  broume. 

.  303—308.  These  lines  are  wanting  in  the  Co.  MS.,  which  after  1.  301-2  proceeds 
to  1.  309-10,  but  this  is  first  struck  out,  and  then  repeated  after  one  blank  line. 

FYTTE  II. 

The  Sloane  MS.  begins  here.  For  the  first  70  lines,  the  MSS.  closely  agree,  though 
L.  omits  numerous  passages,  as  all  that  about  the  Baliols,  1.  324 — 340. 

1.  313.  carpe,  speak,  or  sing.  Thomas  has  the  choice  of  excelling  in  instrumental, 
or  in  vocal  (rather  oral)  accomplishments  ;  he  prefers  the  latter,  "for  tonge  is  chefe  of 
mynstralsie." 

1.  314.  chose,  the  choice  ;  often  so  spelled  in  Scotch. 

"  in  our  Inglis  rethorick  the  rose, 
As  of  Rubeis  the  Charbunckle  bene  clwse" — Lyndesay,  Papyngo,  26. 

1.  317.    spelle,  discourse;  A.S.   spellian ;  in  Ca.  corruptly  spill;    L.  and  S.  gloss, 


1.  318.  lesynge,  lying,  falsehood.  Lesynge  tJiow  sail  neuer  lee;  from  this  cha- 
racteristic Erseldown  derived  the  name  of  "  True  Thomas,"  generally  given  to  him  in 
the  later  prophecies  and  traditional  rhymes. 

1.  319.  fry  the  or  fell,  enclosed  field  or  open  hill. 

1.  324.  ferly,  a  wonder,  strange  thing  or  event.  Usually  derived  from  A.S.  f&rlic, 
sudden ;  fc&r,  fearful ;  but  I  think  more  truly  both  in  form  and  meaning  from  A.S. 
feorlic,feorlen,  far  away,  foreign,  strange.  Compare  strange  from  extraneus. 

1.327.  wyte;  A.S.  wit-an,  to  depart,  decease.  Ca.  has  dwyne ;  A.S.  dwin-an,  to 
pine,  dwindle  away. 

1.  329.  T.  baylliolfe  for  baylliolse  or  baylliolfs ;  Co.  bali]oves  ;  S.  misreads  baly  of; 
Ca.  scribal  error  folkys  ;  see  before,  1.  101,  balye  for/o/y.  The  Baliols'  blood,  the  family 
of  John  Baliol,  the  rival  of  Robert  Bruce  for  the  Scottish  crown,  and  his  son  Edward, 
rival  of  David  Bruce. 

1.  331 — 332.  The  Comyns,  Barclays,  Russells,  and  Friseals,  or  Erasers.  Semewes  in 
Ca.  is  a  very  simple  misreading  of  Comenes  in  old  writing,  and  the  Sea-mews  suggest 
the  teals,  telys,  probably  for  barclys,  with  the  ar  contracted,  of  the  original.  The  Comyns 
and  Frasers  were  prominent,  though  on  different  sides,  during  the  English  War  in  the 
minority  of  David  II.  David  Cumyn,  the  dispossessed  Earl  of  Athol,  was  one  of 
Edward  Baliol's  leaders,  when  the  latter  invaded  Scotland  in  1332,  was  appointed 
viceroy  of  Scotland  by  Edward  III.  in  1335,  and  soon  after  slain  in  the  forest  of  Kil- 
blane,  by  Sir  Andrew  Moray,  when,  according  to  Buchanan,  "  fortissimus  quisque 
Cuminianorum  aut  in  praelio  aut  in  fuga  caesus  est."  This  is  the  battle  for  which 
Barbour  quotes  a  prophecy  of  the  Rhymer,  ante,  p.  xvii.  Walter  Cumyn  was  also  slain 
in  the  Battle  of  Annan,  1332,  and  his  brother  Thomas  executed  after  the  battle.  Of 
the  Frasers,  Buchanan  has,  "  Eraser  vel  Frisel,  cog.  in  varias  familias  tributum  in 
quibus  emmet  Lovetiae,  Saltonii,  &  Fraserise  Reguli,  cum  suis  quisque  tribulibus." 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 

Alexander  Fraser  was  one  of  the  commanders  at  Dupplin,  1332;  James  and  Simon 
Fraser,  after  capturing  Perth  from  Baliol,  were  slain  at  Halidon  Hill,  1333.  Of  the 
Barclays  :  in  1345  David  de  Berklay  waylaid  and  assassinated  William  Bullock,  the 
able  English  ecclesiastic  so  intimately  connected  with  the  intrigues  of  the  period.  Sir 
Walter  de  Berklay  was  also  concerned  in  the  plot  against  Robert  Bruce,  and  tried 
before  the  Black  Parliament  of  1320,  and  in  1322,  according  to  Fordun's  Annals,  "  on 
the  1st  of  October,  Andrew  Barclay  was  taken,  and  having  been  convicted  of  treachery, 
underwent  capital  punishment."  The  Russels  I  cannot  trace ;  and  the  word  may  be 
a  scribal  error  for  some  of  the  other  names  conspicuous  in  the  history  of  the  period — 
the  Rosseis,  for  instance. 

1.  333.  wyte,  dwyne.     See  I.  327. 

1.  335.  spraye,  to  spread  out,  sprout  out,  like  spray  of  water,  or  a  spray  of  blossom  ; 
Platt-Deutsch  spreden,  spreen;  G.  spruhen,  to  sputter,  flow  forth. 

1.  341 — 348.  Thomas's  inquiry  is  as  to  the  issue  of  the  doubtful  contest  between  the 
Bruce  and  Baliol  families,  1332 — 1355. 

1.  341.   ivhatkyns,  of  what  kind;  used  adjectively,  "what  kind  of"  quails. 

1.  344.   tliryue  and  thee  (A.S.  ]peon)  are  synonymous ;  S.  changes  to  vnthrive. 

1.  345.   none  ;  tane  in  1.  347  shows  that  the  original  had  the  Northern  nane. 

1.352.  Co.  halyndon  hill;  L.  helydowne  hill ;  T.  and  L.  Eldone  ;  Ca.  ledyn  for  Eldyn. 
I  think  there  is  little  doubt,  though  the  two  oldest  MSS.  say  otherwise,  that  the  Battle 
of  Halidon  Hill,  1333,  is  meant.  tf  So  great  was  the  slaughter  of  the  nobility,  that, 
after  the  battle,  it  was  currently  said  amongst  the  English  that  the  Scottish  wars  were 
at  last  ended,  since  not  a  man  was  left  of  that  nation  who  had  either  skill  or  power  to 
assemble  an  army  or  direct  its  operations." — Tytler,  quoting  Murimuth,  p.  81.  But 
there  may  have  been  a  legendary  prophecy  as  to  Eldone  Hill,  which  was  after  the, 
event  changed  to  Halidown  Hill,  as  "  Spincarde  Clough  "  was  to  Pinkie-cleuch. 

1.  353 — 354.  Breton's — Bruyse  blode,  the  common  terms  in  this  Fytte  for  English  and 
Scotch.  The  English  claims  to  the  superiority  of  Scotland  were  founded  upon  the 
Cymric  version  of  the  legend  of  the  Trojan  Brutus,  from  whom  the  name  of  Britain 
was  "derived,"  who  was  said  to  have  divided  the  realm,  after  he  had  conquered  it 
from  the  giants,  between  his  three  sons,  Locrinus,  Cyrnber,  and  Albanactus,  eponymi 
of  English,  Welsh,  and  Scotch,  with  the  feudal  supremacy  to  Locrinus.  Thus  adopting 
the  Brute,  Breton,  or  British  legend,  the  English  were  the  Brutes  or  Bretons  blode. 
There  was,  of  course,  an  alliterative  antithesis  between  Bretons  and  Bruces ;  but  in 
some  of  the  MSS.  the  latter  word  might  be  either  Bruces  or  Brutes,  confounding  the 
two  opposites.  I  have  printed  Bruces,  the  word  originally  meant,  though  perhaps  the 
scribes  thought  it  Brutes. 

1.  354.  spraye  ;  Gaelic  spreidh,  booty,  prey.      Gawain  Douglas  has  spreith,  spreicht. 

1.  357.  The  foregoing  passage  refers  to  a  cluster  of  events  in  the  minority  of 
David  II.,  1332 — 1345.  They  seem  to  have  been  written  at  that  time.  What  follows 
to  the  end  of  the  Fytte,  and  perhaps  even  to  1.  520  in  Fytte  III.,  is  a  general  sketch  of 
battles  and  other  events  in  Scotland  from  1298  to  1400  or  so,  and  was  probably  written 
about  the  latter  date,  when  the  poem  took  its  present  form.  1.  357 — 364  refer  to  the 
battle  of  Falkirk  (S.  and  L.  do  not  understand  the  proper  name) ;  Ca.  Co.  and  L. 
erroneously  make  the  Scotch  win. 

1.  367 — 376.  The  lady  wishes  to  go  because  her  hounds  are  impatient.  Thomas 
detains  her,  giving  (in  Ca.  only)  a  reason. 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 

1.  371.  god  schilde,  Dieu  defende  !  God  defend  !  God  forbid. 

3.  375.   Ca.  reyke,  roam,  ramble. 

holtely  or  ?  holteby  I  cannot  explain  ;  it  is  probably  a  proper  name.  Holt  is  of 
course  a  wood,  but  it  is  a  word  not  now  current  in  the  North. 

1.  377—388.  The  battle  of  Bannockburn,  June,  1314  ;  here  all  the  MSS.  agree  that 
the  Brucys-Uode  shall  win,  though  Ca.  corrupts  to  Brutys,  and  L.  to  Ebruys  (!). 

1.  379 — 380    seem  to    be  the    origin  of  the   traditional    prophecy   attributed  to 

Thomas  (ante,  p.  xliv), 

'•  The  burn  of  bveid 

Sail  rin  fu'  reid." 

a  bannock  being  a  cake  of  (home  made)  bread. 

1.  381 — 385  describe  the  well-known  device  of  Bruce  of  defending  his  flank  by  pits 
dug,  and  concealed  by  hurdles  and  turf,  snapre  L.  =  stumble. 

1.  389,  390.  The  death  of  Robert  Bruce,  leaving  a  son  of  6  years  old,  so  that  Scot- 
laud  kingless  stood. 

1.  391 — 412.  The  tercelet,  or  young  falcon,  is  Edward  Baliol,  who  now  seeing  his 
opportunity  took  with  him  tercelettes  grete  &  gay,  the  dispossessed  lords,  Henry  Percy, 
Lord  Wake,  Henry  Beaumont,  David  Cumyn  and  others,  and  landed  (1.  401)  at  Wester 
Kinghorn,  1332,  where  Alexander  Seton,  with  a  handful  of  followers,  threw  themselves 
upon  them,  but  was  overpowered  and  cut  in  pieces  on  the  sands  (1.  402).  They  then 
pushed  on  towards  Perth,  surprised  the  Scottish  army  at  Duplin  Moor,  by  the  River 
Earn,  which  flows  over  the  old  red-sandstone  (11.  403 — 408),  with  great  slaughter,  and 
next  day  took  Perth,  the  "  town  of  great  renown  near  the  water  of  Tay." 

1.  400.  T.  Royalle  blade;  S.  baly  of  blud,  corruptly  for  Balyolu.es  blode,  as 
in  Co. 

1.  414.  cheuede,  achieved.  1.  415.   bowne,  ready. 

1.  416.  the  werre  of  Fraunce.  Edward  III.,  thinking  Scotland  reduced  under  Baliol, 
declared  war  against  France  in  1337,  and  in  1339  invaded  that  country. 

1.  417 — 436.  The  text  is  here  in  great  confusion,  none  of  the  MSS.  apparently 
being  complete.  The  event  itself  is  also  misplaced,  as  the  coronation  of  David  II. 
really  occurred  before  Baliol's  invasion,  and  not  now  (1341)  when  he  returned  from 
his  exile  in  France  to  reign.  Ca.  does  not  mend  the  matter  by  reading  Robert,  as  the 
events  which  follow  belong  to  David. 

1.  427,  428  in  L.  refer  to  the  special  bull  obtained  from  Rome  for  the  anointing  of 
David  II. 

1.  423.  More  and  myne,  greater  and  lesser. 

1.  425.  sJcyme,  T.,  error  for  Skynne  =  Scone  or  Skune. 

1.  427.   beryns  =  bernys ;  A.S.  beorn,  chieftains,  barons,  nobles. 

1.  429 — 448.  David  II.  's  invasion  of  England  in  1346,  six  years  after  his  return  from 
France,  when  he  took  Hexham  (1.  431) ;  was  defeated  at  Beaurepair,  close  to  Durham 
(1.  433,  434)  ;  and  himself,  after  being  grievously  wounded  (1.  440),  taken  prisoner 
(1.  444),  and  led  to  London  (1.  447). 

1.  430.  lygges,  lies  (A.S.  licgan) ;  the  Northern  form  still  well-known. 

1.  437.  taggud,  togged,  confined,  encumbered,  for  tane  of  T.,  Ca.  has  teyryd}  ?  for 
telpryd,  tethered. 

1.  439.  nebbe,  nose ;  A.S.  nyb. 

1.  441,  442.  fode,  a  brood.     Thefahfode,  who  betray  the  king,  points  to  the  High 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 

Steward,  and  the  Earl  of  March,  who  escaped  with  their  division  from  the  field,  and 
were  blamed  for  not  adequately  supporting  David. 

I.  448.  the  goshawke  fynd  his  Make,  David  II.  find  his  mate  or  consort,  Joanna, 
sister  of  Edward  III. 

1.  453 — 456  I  cannot  explain,  unless  they  refer  to  the  slaughter  in  Ettrick  Forest 
of  the  Knight  of  Liddesdale,  who  had  been  gained  over  to  the  English  interest  by 
Edward. 

1.  457 — 460  describe  the  great  exertions  made  in  Scotland  to  raise  the  enormous 
sum  of  the  king's  ransom  (equal  to  £1,200,000  of  modern  money)  ;  for  fulle  and  fere  I 
suggest  felle  andflese,  or  Wolle  and  fell,  full  many  one.  The  money  was  principally 
raised  by  granting  to  the  king  all  the  wool  and  wool-fells  in  the  kingdom  at  a  low 
rate,  to  be  exported  and  sold  at  a  profit  abroad. 

1.  464.  bygge  &  browke  the  tre,  apparently  to  build  (their  nests)  and  use  or  enjoy 
the  tree. 

1.  467.  Robert  II.,  the  first  of  the  Stewarts,  ascended  the  throne  26  March,  1371. 

1.  469 — 484.  The  Cheuanteyne  or  Chef  tan  is  the  Earl  of  Douglas  (1.  480),  who  invaded 
England  1388,  burned  and  plundered,  especially  in  the  bishopric  of  Durham  (1.  473-4), 
rode  to  Newcastle,  and  challenged  Hotspur  (1.  475-6),  and  was  by  him  overtaken  and 
slain  at  Otterbourne,  in  a  marsh  by  the  Reed  (1.  477 — 480).  Hotspur  was  taken 
prisoner  (1.  481)  and  led  to  Scotland. 

1.  479.  in  fere,  together,  in  company  (A.S.  gefera). 

1.  480.  Co.  doglas,  i.  e.  Douglas  ;  misunderstood,  and  variously  corrupted  in  the 
others. 

1.  486.  The  original  seems  to  have  been  as  in  1.  306,  Me  by-houis  ower  yone  benlis 
browne,  variously  corrupted  in  L.  and  S. 

FYTTE  III. 

The  first  stanza,  wanting  in  Ca.  and  S.,  differs  greatly  in  the  others. 

1.  489.  gente,  handsome,  elegant ;  ihende,  see  1.  291. 

1.  492.  worthe,  become,  A.S.  weor^an. 

1.  494.  wandrethe,  trouble,  sorrow.  Isl.  vandrcedi ;  woghe,  A.S.  woh,  injustice, 
wrong  ;  wankill,  A.S.  wancol,  unstable,  shaky. 

1.  496.  spynkarde  cloughe,  slough,  spynar  hill ;  I  can  find  no  trace  of  this  locality, 
and  do  not  know  if  it  refers  to  any  actual  event  (unless  it  be  the  skirmish  between  Sir 
John  Gordon  and  Lilburn  "in  a  mountain  pass"  on  the  border,  in  1378)  ;  but  it  was 
quoted  in  the  later  prophecies  as  Pinken  or  Pinkie  clench. 

1.  505 — 512  perhaps  refer  to  the  invasion  of  Scotland  and  siege  of  Edinburgh  by 
Henry  IV.  in  1400,  although  it  more  recalls  that  of  Richard  II.  in  1385. 

1.  509.  T.  Sembery  is  a  curious  error  for  Edinbery,  but  very  simply  made  in  the  MS. 

1.  513 — 516,  a  repetition  of  1.  409 — 412  in  the  preceding  Fytte. 

1.  521.  From  this  point  the  prophecies  are  not  historical ;  they  constitute  a  series 
of  legendary  predictions.  They  are  principally  occupied  by  three  battles,  that  between 
Seton  and  the  Sea,  and  those  of  Gladsmoor  and  Sandyford,  and  the  career  of  "  the 
Bastard  out  of  the  west,"  which  I  take  to  be  a  distorted  Arthurian  legend.  These  four 
ideas  fill  all  the  later  prophecies,  Scottish  and  English  alike,  of  the  battles.  Dr  Robert 
Chambers  says  : — "  It  is  broadly  notable  throughout  the  history  of  early  prophecy  in 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 

Scotland,  how  strongly  the  notion  was  impressed  that  there  was  to  be  a  great  and 
bloody  conflict  near  Seton,  or  at  the  adjacent  Gladsmuir,  both  in  East  Lothian  [about 
7  miles  E.  of  Edinburgh].  There  had  existed,  before  the  battle  of  Pinkie  (1547),  a 

prophetic  rhyme  : 

Between  Seton  and  the  sea, 

Mony  a  man  shall  die  that  day. 

And  we  know  that  the  rhyme  and  the  day  were  so  from  the  following  passage  in 
Patten's  Account  of  the  Expedition  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  printed  in  1548  :  '  This 
battell  and  feld  [Pinkie]  the  Scottes  and  we  are  not  yet  agreed  how  it  shall  be  named. 
We  cal  it  Muskelborough  felde,  because  that  is  the  best  towne  (and  yet  bad  inongh) 
nigh  to  the  place  of  our  meeting.  Sum  of  them  cal  it  Setou  felde  (a  town  thear  nigh 
too),  by  means  of  a  blind  prophecy  of  theirs,  which  is  this  or  sum  such  toye :  Betwene 
Seton  and  the  seye,  many  a  man  shall  dye  that  day.'  The  same  rhyme  is  incorporated 
in  the  long  irregular  and  mystical  poems  which  were  published  as  the  prophecies  of 
Thomas  in  1615.  We  humbly  think  that  our  countrymen  strained  a  point  to  make 
out  the  battle  of  Pinkie  as  the  fulfilment  of  a  conflict  at  Seton,  which  is  four  or  five 
miles  distant ;  not  to  speak  of  the  preciseness  of  the  prophecy  in  indicating  between 
'Seton  and  the  sea. 

"That  there  should  be  a  great  and  bloody  fight  at  Gladsmuir  appears  in  the  old 
Scotch  prophecies.  A  traditionary  one,  attributed  as  usual  to  '  True  Thomas/  bare 
reference  to  the  fate  of  Foveran  Castle  in  Aberdeenshire,  long  ago  the  seat  of  a  family 

named  Turinsr : 

« When  Turing's  Tower  falls  to  the  land, 

Gladsmuir  then  is  nigh  at  hand  : 
When  Turing's  Tower  falls  to  the  sea, 
Gladsmuir  the  next  year  shall  be.' 

A  local  writer  about  1720  (View  of  the  Diocese  of  Aberdeen,  Spalding  Club)  gives 
this  rhyme,  and  adds:  'It  seems  that  Gladsmuir  is  to  be  a  very  decisive  battle  for 
Scotland  ;  but  if  one  fancy  the  place  of  it  to  be  Gladsmuir  on  the  coast  of  East  Lothian, 
he  will  find  himself  mistaken  ;  for 

'  It  shall  not  be  Gladsmoor  by  the  sea, 
But  Gladsmoor  wherever  it  be.' 

[See  before,  p.  xxxv  ;  also  the  English  Prophecy  in  Appendix  II.  1.  80.]  That  is, 
the  number  of  corpses  will  make  it  a  resort  of  birds  of  prey,  and  so  a  Gled's  muir. 

"When  the  battle  of  Prestonpans  took  place  in  1745,  the  victorious  Highlanders 
were  for  calling  it  '  Gladsmuir,'  in  reference  to  the  old  prophecy  [see  before,  p.  xli, 
xlii]  ;  but  in  truth,  the  scene  of  conflict  was  nearly  as  far  from  Gladsmuir  as  Pinkie 
was  from  Seton,  It  must  be  admitted  to  have  been  near  to  Seton,  though  not  strictly 
betwixt  Seton  and  the  Sea" — Popular  Rhymes  of  Scotland,  1870,  p.  218. 

The  "  Whole  Prophecies  of  Scotland,  &c.,"  1603,  already  discussed  (p.  xxx),  are  full 
of  references  to  these  battles.  But  they  were  equally  famous  in  England,  as  is  shown 
by  the  prose  prophecy  of  1529,  quoted  in  Appendix  II.  from  the  Sloane  MS.,  and  many 
other  references  in  the  same  volume.  At  an  earlier  date,  the  Battle  of  Barnet,  doubt- 
less on  account  of  the  enormous  carnage  by  which  it  was  distinguished,  as  well  as  its 
decisive  effect  on  the  Wars  between  York  and  Lancaster,  was  called  by  contemporaries 
the  Battle  of  Gladsmoor.  In  the  following  quotation  from  Holinshed,  the  name  occurs 
as  belonging  to  the  site,  but  I  suspect  it  was  an  ex  post  facto  one  :  "  Hervpon  remouved 


1XXX  NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 

they  towards  Barnet,  a  towne  standing  in  the  midwaie  betwixt  London  and  saint 
Albons  aloft  on  a  hill ;  at  the  end  whereof  towards  saint  Albons  there  is  a  faire  plaine 
for  two  armies  to  meet  vpon,  named  Gladmore  heath,  on  the  farther  side  of  which 
plaine  towards  saint  Albons  the  earle  pight  his  campe." — Holimlied,  ed.  1587,  vol. 
iii.  p.  684. 

Compare  Dravton,  Polyolbion,  Song  xxii  (Chalmers's  English  Poets,  vol.  iv. 
pt  345)  ; — 

"  the  armies  forward  make, 

And  meeting  on  the  plain  to  Barnet  very  near, 

That  to  this  very  day  is  called  Gladmore  there." 

As  to  Sandyford,  I  can  offer  no  conjecture,  even  of  the  place  hinted  at ;  but  the 
battle  at  Sandyford  is  equally  prominent  in  the  other  Scottish  and  English  prophecies, 
as  in  the  following,  culled  from  the  Sloane  MS.  already  quoted  : — 

"  Ouer  Sandiford  shalbe  sorowes  sene  on  the  southe  side  on  a  mondaye,  wheare 
gromes  shall  grone  on  a  grene,  besides  englefield  yere  standethe  a  Castelle  on  a  moun- 
taine  Clif  the  which  shall  doo  yeir  enernyes  tene,  &  save  england  yat  day./  (leaf  41  a.) 

"  At  Sandiford  betwix  ij  parkes  a  pallace  &  a  parishe  churche,  a  hardy  prwice  downe 
shall  lyghte.  troye  vntrue  yen  shall  tremble  &  quake  yat  daye  for  feare  of  a  deade 
man  when  yei  heare  him  speake.  all  thoffycem  yerin  shall  caste  him  the  keyes,  from 
vxbrydge  to  hownslowe  ye  bushment  to  breake.  and  fare  as  a  people  that  weare  wudd. 
the  ffather  shall  sleye  ye  sone  ye  brother  ye  brother,  y*  all  London  shall  renw  bludde." 
(leaf  44  6.) 

1.  541 — 544.  A  vivid  picture  of  the  desolation  to  be  produced  ;  this  seems  the  origin 
of  one  of  the  traditional  sayings  of  Thomas  quoted  on  p.  xliv  : 

"  A  horse  sal  gang  on  Carolside  brae, 
Till  the  red  girth  gaw  his  side  in  twae." 

Carolside,  properly  Crawhillside,  lies  on  the  bank  of  the  Leader  about  a  mile  above 
Earlstoun. 

1.  549.  T.  omits  baners.  This  line  and  the  next  in  Ca.  have  been  overwritten  so 
as  to  make  the  original  words  irrecoverable.  The  words  eneglych  shal  rone  away  have 
thus  been  inserted,  probably  for  nyght  shal  dee. 

1.  553.  trewe,  the  correct  singular ;  of  which  trewis,  trewes,  truce  is  properly  the 
plural.  Fr.  treve,  treves. 

1.  555.  dere,  A.S.  derian,  to  hurt,  harm. 

1.  557.  betwene  twa  sainte  Marye  dayes.  The  same  date  is  given  to  Gladsmoor  in 
the  English  prose  prophecy  in  Appendix  III. 

1.  560.  S.  claydon  moore,  above  this  in  the  MS.  dvnnes  more  is  written,  referring 
perhaps  to  Dunse  Moor,  and  the  "  Warden  Raid  "  of  1378. 

Ca.  gleydes  more,  the  moor  of  the  gleydes  or  kites  ;  but  in  the  next  stanza  in  Ca. 
only,  and  evidently  an  afterthought,  the  word  is  played  on  as  glads-moor.  This  stanza 
is  quoted  in  the  prophecy  of  Bertlington,  ante,  p.  xxxvi,  and  in  many  other  prophecies, 
Scotch  and  English. 

1.  565 — 576.  See  as  to  the  Crow  and  the  Raven,  Introduction,  p.  xxxii,  &c. 

1.  576.  wayloway,  A.S.  wd  Id  wd,  wo  !  0  wo  ! 

1.  577 — 604.  In  T.  only  (where  also  1.  592 — 604  are'lost)  contain  a  list  of  the  lords 
described  by  their  armorial  bearings,  by  which  they  might  no  doubt  still  be  identified. 
"  The  publication  of  predictions,  either  printed  or  hieroglyphical,  in  which  noble 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY.  IxXXl 

families  were  pointed  out  by  their  armorial  bearings,  was,  in  the  time  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, extremely  common  ;  and  the  influence  of  such  predictions  on  the  minds  of  the 
common  people  was  so  great  as  to  occasion  a  prohibition,  by  statute,  of  prophecy  by 
reference  to  heraldic  emblems.  Lord  Henry' Howard  also  directs  against  this  practice 
much  of  the  reasoning  in  his  learned  treatise,  entitled  '  A  Defensation  against  the 
Poyson  of  Pretended  prophecies.' " — Scott,  Border  Minstrelsy. 
1.  619.  boune,  ready,  prepared. 

1.  621 — 644.  In  great  confusion  in  the  MSS.  Ca.  seems  to  transpose  two  stanzas, 
putting  the  death  of  the  bastard  before  Sandyford,  while  the  others  put  it  last,  and 
make  it  the  cause  of  the  lady's  emotion.  S.  agrees  with  Co.  and  L.  so  far  as  these  are 
entire,  in  the  order  of  the  stanzas,  but  as  elsewhere  mixes  up  their  lines  greatly. 

.  625.   braye,  T.  had  probably  braa,  a  brae,  or  steep  incline.     Ca.  corruptly  wroo. 

.  633.  Remnerdes,  what  this  word  is  corrupted  for  cannot  be  ascertained  through 


the 


defects  in  the  other  MSS. 


.  635,  dynge,  Isl.  dcenga,  Sw.  danga,  to  knock,  push  violently,  drive. 

.  640.  bod-word,  message. 

.  644.  that  mycull  may,  who  hast  great  might. 

1.  651.  ladys  shall  wed  laddys  jong  ;  compare  the  Harleian  prophecy,  addressed  to 
the  Countess  of  March,  "  When  laddes  weddeth  lovedies,"  and  Waldhaue's  quotation 
of  Thomas's  prophecy,  ante,  p.  xxxix. 

1.  660.  S.  annes,  perhaps  rather  aunes.  Blals  Agnes  of  Donbar,  the  heroic  daughter 
of  Earl  Thomas  Randolph,  and  wife  of  Patrick  Earl  of  March,  so  famed  for  her  defence 
of  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  which,  in  absence  of  her  husband,  she  held  for  five  months 
(1338)  against  the  assault  of  an  English  army,  led  by  the  earls  of  Salisbury  and 
Arundel,  and  at  last  obliged  them  to  raise  the  siege.  Her  husband's  career  was  marked 
by  much  oscillation  between  Scotland  and  England,  and  his  son  finally  took  the 
English  side,  which  may  account  for  the  hostility  to  the  family  here  displayed. 
Thomas  of  Erceldowne  lived  a  whole  generation  earlier  than  Black  Agues,  and  it  is 
probable  that  traditions  of  his  relation  with  an  earlier  Countess  of  March,  who  waa 
"sothely  lady  at  arsyldone"  (see  Introd.,  p.  xi,  xiv),  were  transferred  to  her  more 
famous  successor. 

1.  661 — 664  differ  much  in  Ca.  and  Co.     The  latter  is  doubtless  the  original. 

1.  664.  ploos,  Ca.  looks  as  like  plees  or  ploes.  1.  666.   the,  thrive,  flourish. 

1.  672.  magrat,  O.Fr.  malgrat,  maugret,  in  spite  of. 

The  conclusion,  1.  673 — 700,  differs  a  good  deal  in  the  four  MSS.  wnich  possess  it. 
Co.  being  fullest,  T.  next,  and  perhaps  had  all  the  original  text.  S.  is  roughly 
curtailed. 

1.  695.  Helmesdale  in  Sutherland,  in  the  far  north,  whence  fairies  and  witches  were 
believed  to  come. 


APPENDIXES  I.  AND  II. 

IT  is  not  very  easy  to  define  the  relations  between  these  two  compositions,  which 
have  about  70  lines  in  common  at  the  beginning,  but  are  otherwise  entirely  different. 
Apparently,  the  original  nucleus  consisted  of  a  prophecy  referring  to  the  Wars  of  the 

EECILDOUN.  / 


Ixxxii  NOTES,    TEXTUAL    AND    EXPLANATORY. 

' 

Roses,  and  the  Battle  of  Glad-moor,  seemingly  identified  with  Barnet.  This  seems  to 
be  preserved  in  lines  1 — 44,  and  73 — 180  of  the  English  prophecy.  Afterwards  this 
composition  was  extended  to  embrace  the  early  fortunes  of  the  House  of  Tudor,  and 
the  Battle  of  Flodden,  and  probably  at  this  time,  1515 — 1525,  the  episode  of  the 
English  and  Scottish  knight,  1.  45 — 72,  which  comes  in  very  awkwardly,  was  intro- 
duced, as  well  as  the  later  part  of  the  poem.  The  compiler  of  the  Scottish  prophecy 
then  borrowed  this  introduction  as  far  as  line  72,  and  made  it  the  commencement  of  a 
different  account  of  the  Battle  of  Flodden  suited  to  Scottish  needs,  and  alluding,  1.  119, 
to  the  idea  long  cherished  that  James  IV.  did  not  die  in  the  battle.  Apparently,  after 
the  Battle  of  Pinkie,  1547,  and  perhaps  about  the  time  of  the  marriage  of  Queen  Mary 
to  the  Dauphin,  1558,  this  was  rewritten  with  interpolations  referring  to  these  events- 
lines  193  and  194  being  cleverly  adapted  from  1.  496  of  the  Komance  of  Thomas,  and 
lines  239 — 244  from  "  the  Prophecy  of  Bertlington  : "  see  ante,  p.  xxxvi.  The  copy 
printed  in  1603,  and  here  followed,  is  much  modernized,  and  bears  traces  in  every  line 
of  the  original  having  been  pure  northern.  Thus  in  L  65,  gone  must  have  been  went  ; 
1.  69,  said  for  saw ;  1.  71,  two  for  two, ;  1.  79,  so  for  swa,  rhyming  with  ta  =  take; 
1.  114 — 121,  the  rhyme  breaks  down,  and  the  text  is  in  confusion  ;  1.  139,  two  for  twa, 
rhyming  with  na  ma,  changed  into  no  more  in  1.  141  ;  ].  146.  hurte  and  woe  for  trouble 
and  tene,  rhyming  with  shene  ;  1.  163  is  corrupt ;  1.  171,  blew  for  bla,  rhyming  with  sla 
in  173,  and  in  1.  178,  180,  blew,  two,  for  bla,  twa;  1.  182,  184,  goe,  slay  for  ga,  sla;  1. 
224,  stone  for  stane.  Many  lines  and  pairs  of  lines  are  also  lost  at  various  places. 
Perhaps  one  day  an  older  and  more  perfect  copy  may  be  found. 

;  APPENDIX  II.  I  have  ventured  to  apply  to  this  a  title  recorded  by  Sir  David 
Lyndesay,  about  1528  {The  Dreme,  1.  43),  which  agrees  also  with  the  rubric  at  end  of 
the  MS.  It  is  found  in  the  Lansdowne  MS.  of  1529,  which  supplies  one  of  the  texts  of 
the  Romance  of  Thomas,  and  in  the  Rawlinson  MS.  C.  813,  of  a  later  date.  The 
Lansdowne  is  evidently  a  copy  by  a  southern  scribe  of  an  older  northern  text,  the  true 
readings  of  which  he  has  often  mistaken  and  made  into  nonsense.  Still  more  frequently 
the  rhyme  has  been  injured  in  the  transliteration,  as  in  lines  229 — 236,  where  the 
rhyming  words  blowe,  lee;  Jcnowe,  swaye ;  fall,  hie;  call,  dye,  represent  an  original 
blaw,  le ;  Jcnaw,  swe  ;  fa1,  he  ;  ca\  de.  The  Rawlinson  copy  is  still  more  modernized, 
and  as  a  whole  weaker,  but  it  contains  fewer  absolute  blunders,  and  so  often  enables  us 
to  restore  the  sense  of  the  original.  Only  the  more  important  of  its  variations  are  here 
given  as  notes  to  the  Lansdowne  text ;  but  occasionally  where  the  latter  is  very  cor- 
rupt, it  is  relegated  to  the  notes  (there  marked  L.),  and  the  Rawl.  reading  placed  in 
the  text.  Words,  &c.,  added  from  R.  in  the  text  are  in  brackets. 

The  last  historical  event  recorded  in  it  is  the  Battle  of  Flodden,  or  rather  the 
capture  of  Tournay  by  Henry  VIII.  a  few  days  later.  Its  date  is  no  doubt  shortly 
after  this,  and  nearer  to  1515  than  1525.  England  is  of  course  still  faithful  to  Rome, 
and  the  pope  occupies  a  prominent  place  in  the  concluding  events  ;  but  in  the  Rawlin- 
son copy,  curiously  enough,  the  word  "  pope,"  wherever  it  occurs,  is  struck  out  by  a 
line  drawn  across  it,  a  witness  to  the  feelings  of  a  later  date. 

Besides  the  ascription  at  the  end,  the  authorities  for  the  different  sections  of  the 
prophecy  are  cited  at  1.  135,  as  "  saint  Bede  ; "  1.  291,  "  bredlynton  ;  "  1.  292,  "  bede  ;  " 
1.  294,  "  Arseldowne  ;  "  1.  346,  "  Arsalldoune  ;  "  1.  380,  "  Merlyon  ;  "  1.  409,  "  Marlyon  ;  " 
1.  444,  "  Arse[l]doun;"  1.  445,  "the  holly  man  that  men  calles  Bede."  Opposite 
some  of  these  the  name  is  repeated  in  larger  letters  in  the  margin  ;  thus,  opposite 


NOTES,    TEXTUAL   AND   EXPLANATORY.  Ixxxill 

to  1.  346,  Arysdon;   opp.  1.  380,  Merlyon ;   opp.  1.  409,  Marly  on ;  opp.  lines  428  and 
445,  Bede. 

1.  15, 16.  Comp.  1.  195,  196  of  Thomas. 

1.  21,  &c.   Comp.  the  description  of  the  lady  in  1.  41  of  Thomas. 

1.  45 — 72.  An  interpolation  dislocating  the  natural  sequence  between  the  1.  44  and 
73.  The  two  knights,  St  George  and  St  Andrew,  of  course  symbolize  England  and 
Scotland. 

1.  60  Ms.  a  superfluous  line,  interpolated  as  if  the  first  of  next  stanza.  Allowed 
for  in  R.  by  omitting  1.  72  ;  but  of  course  the  proper  one  to  omit  was  1.  68. 

1.  68.  Note  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  Danish  '  burgh  and  by.' 

1.  70.  wrong  heyres.     e.  g.  Henry  IV.,  Edward  IV.,  Richard  III.,  Henry  VII. 

1.  72.  The  fling  at  the  Scots  here  and  in  line  183  indicates  an  English  author. 

1.  73  naturally  follows  44.  The  Lady  having  consecrated  the  ground,  now  declares 
that  it  will  be  the  site  of  the  battle  of  Gladmoor  (?  Barnet),  and  vanishes.  The  writer 
applies  to  the  "  lytell  man  "  to  give  him  more  distinct  information  about  Gladmoor  ; 
the  latter  predicts  the  dissension  (between  the  Nevilles  and  Woodvilles)  ;  the  son  fight- 
ing against  the  father  (Clarence  and  Warwick)  ;  falsehood  and  envy  (the  House  of 
York)  reigning  in  England  for  33  years.  (The  Duke  of  York  took  up  arms  in  1452, 
and  the  Battle  of  Bosworth  was  in  1485.)  A  king  reigning  without  righteousness 
(Edward  IV.)  ;  then  a  break  when  "  he  that  hath  England  hent  (Warwick)  shall  be 
made  full  lowe  to  light."  Two  princes  have  their  deaths  with  treason  dight ;  then 
when  all  expect  peace,  the  landing  of  Henry  VII.  and  Battle  of  Bosworth.  Henry  is 
crowned,  and  known  as  the  "  king  of  covatyce."  "  The  fourth  leaf  of  the  tree  (the 
house  of  York)  dies,  that  lost  hath  bowes  moo  " — almost  all  the  descendants  of  Edward 
III.  are  extinct ;  traitors  taste  the  Tower  (Warwick  and  ?  Richard,  Duke  of  York, 
nicknamed  by  the  Tudors,  Perkin  Warbeck),  and  Henry  VII.  dies. 

1.  77.  gladismore  that  shall  glad  vs  all, 

yt  shalbe  gladyng  of  oure  glee ; 
identical  with  lines  561-2  of  Thomas. 

1.  79.  yt  shalbe  gladmore  wher  euer  yt  fall, 

but  not  gladmore  by  the  see. 
Also  in  the  prophecy  of  Bertlington,  p.  xxxv ;  and  see  Notes  to  1.  521  of  Thomas. 

1.  181 — 284  describe  the  Battle  of  Flodden,  naming  the  localities  of  Millfield, 
Branxton,  and  Flodden  itself.  The  "red  lion"  is  of  course  James  IV.;  the  "white 
lyon,"  Sir  Edmund  Howard  ;  and  the  "  Admyrall,1'  Thomas  Howard,  who  commanded 
the  English  right.  The  MS.  (Lansd.  762)  contains,  on  leaf  70,  a  contemporary  ex- 
planation of  the  emblems  under  which  various  persons  are  designated  in  the  prophecies. 
They  include  the  following  : — 

The  mowlltf  the  Erie  of  Westmerlonde.  The  white  Lyo?m  Duke  of  NorffoZ^. 

The  wolffe  the  lorde  Martyne.  The  Crepawde  Rex  Frauncie. 

The  mone  the  Erie  of  Northimberlonde.  The  Red  Lyo?m  Rex  Scotorum. 

The  Blew  bore  Erie  of  Oxford^.  The  Lylye  the  Duke  of  Lancaster. 

The  Red  dragown  barne  of  Clyfforde.  Pye,  Lorde  Ryvers. 

The  Scots  are  referred  to  in  1.  250  and  298  as."  Albenactes  blode,"  from  the  legendary 
Albanactus,  son  of  Brutus,  eponymus  of  the  Albannaich  or  Scottish  Celts. 

1.  285.  "  The  prynce  that  is  beyonde  the  flode"  (Henry  VIII.  now  in  France)  takes 
two  towns  (Terouanne  and  Tournay). 


1XXX1V  NOTES,    TEXTUAL   AND    EXPLANATORY. 

1.  296.  An  allusion  to  True  Thomas's  absence  from  earth,  which  the  later  tradition 
extends  to  seven  years.  See  Thomas,  1.  286,  Cambridge  Text. 

1.  297.  The  passage  commencing  here  may  originally  have  referred  to  the  arrival 
in  Scotland  of  the  Duke  of  Albany,  already  mentioned  more  than  once  ;  but  at  this 
point  the  "  prophecy  "  ceases  to  be  historical. 

1.  305.  stanis  more,  this  battle  figures  also  in  the  prose  prophecy  in  Appendix  III. 

1.  317.  "  A  king  "  or  "  duke  of  Denmark"  and  "  the  black  fleet  of  Norway"  shew 
that  even  now,  five  hundred  years  after  their  invasions  had  come  to  an  end,  the  name 
of  the  Danes  and  Norseman  was  still  mentioned  in  terror. 

1.  341.  sondysfurth,  on  the  south  side,  and  1.  371,  "  beside  a  well  there  is  a  stronde," 
compare  the  prophecy  of  Merlyne,  p.  xxxiii,  and  the  prose  prophecy  in  Appendix  III.  ; 
see  also  1.  624 — 632  of  Thomas,  and  Notes  to  1.  521  of  the  Romance. 

1.  373.   Snapeys-more  is  referred  to  also  in  the  prose  prophecy,  Appendix  III. 

1.  385 — 388.    Gladmore  and  its  doubtful  issue ;  see  in  Thomas,  1.  549 — 560. 

1.  405 — 408.  The  " okes  thre "  and  the  " headless  cross  of  stone"  compare  Thomas, 
1.  569 — 578,  and  1.  629,  630.  See  also  various  similar  passages  in  "  the  Whole  Pro- 
phecies of  Scotland." 

1.  543.  "  In  the  vale  of  Josephate  shall  he  dye"  So  in  the  end  of  the  "  koke  of  the 
north"  prophecy,  edited  by  Mr  Lumby  ;  see  ante,  p.  xxxii,  and  Thomas,  1.  641,  "  The 
bastarde  shall  dye  in  the  holy  land." 

1.  609.  he  sayd,  "a  long  time  thow  holdest  me  here;"  compare  the  lady's  repeated 
remonstrances  in  Thomas. 

].  627.  when  he  thynketh  tyme  to  talk.  Query  too  tall,  i.  e.  too  long ;  or  error  for 
to  calle. 


ADDITIONAL  NOTES  TO  THE  INTRODUCTION. 

EARLSTOUN  CHURCH  AND  RYMOUR'S  STONE. — In  part  correction  of  the  note  to  p.  xiii 
Mrs  C.  Wood  of  Galashiels,  a  native  of  Earlstoun,  writes : — "  The  present  church  was 
renewed  in  1736,  but  there  are  many  stones  in  the  churchyard  as  old  as  1600,  and  the 
bell,  which  was  cast  in  Holland,  bears  the  date  of  1609.  The  older  building  stood  a 
few  yards  further  forward,  more  to  the  south.  Chambers,  in  his  '  Picture  of  Scotland,' 
says  that  the  inscription  on  the  stone  built  into  the  wall  of  Earlstoun  Church  was 
defaced  by  a  person  named  Waterstone,  who  considered  it  interfered  with  his  right  of 
property  to  the  burial-place.  I  believe  that  this  is  quite  correct,  and  also  that  the 
characters  of  the  former  inscription  were  very  ancient.  In  a  plan  I  have  of  the  church- 
yard, made  in  1842,  there  are  16  graves  belonging  to  '  Lermonts,'  11  of  which  lie  in  a 
row,  and  the  first  of  these  has  the  date  1564.  But  none  of  the  Learmont  graves  aro 
near  the  church  ;  in  fact,  there  is  only  one  gravestone  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Rhymer's 
Stone,  and  this  belongs  to  the  Waterstones."  This  disposes  of  any  inference  in  favour 
of  Rymour's  name  having  been  Learmont. 

HAIG  OF  BEMERSIDE,  p.  xliii. — In  the  account  of  the  family  of  Haig,  written  by 
the  Earl  of  Bnchan,  we  find  :  "Zerubabel  Haig,  17th  Baron  of  Bemerside,  who  married 
Elizabeth  Gordon,  daughter  of  Thomas  Gordon,  Esq.,  Clerk  to  the  Court  of  Justiciary, 


NOTES,    TEXTUAL   AND   EXPLANATORY.  IxXXV 

by  whom  he  had  one  son  and  twelve  daughters This  Zerubabel  Haig  died 

in  1752."  This  was  the  gentleman  referred  to  by  Sir  Walter  Scott. 

RHYMER'S  THORN,  p.  xlix. — Mr  James  Wood,  Galashiels,  says,  "  Rhymer's  Thorn 
stood  in  a  garden  belonging  to  the  Black  Bull  Inn,  occupied  by  a  man  named  Thin. 
It  was  a  large  tree,  and  sending  out  its  roots  in  all  directions,  it  absorbed  much  of  the 
growing  power  of  the  soil.  Thin  set  his  son  to  cut  the  roots  all  round,  and  clear  the 
garden  of  them.  This  was  in  the  spring  of  1814,  and  the  Thorn  which  had  defied  the 
blasts  of  probably  900  years,  now  shorn  of  its  roots,  succumbed  shortly  after  to  a  violent 
westerly  gale.  It  was  immediately  replanted,  with  several  cart  loads  of  manure  dug 
in  round  about  it ;  but,  notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  the  people  to  keep  it  alive,  it 
never  took  root  again.  In  1830  the  ground  on  which  it  stood  came  into  the  possession 
of  the  late  John  Spence,  writer,  Earlstoun,  who  built  a  high  wall  round  the  garden, 
leaving  a  square  opening  near  the  top  to  mark  the  site  of  the  tree. 

"  The  Thorn  is  described  by  John  Shiel,  a  native  of  Earlstoun,  12  years  old  when 
the  tree  was  blown  down,  and  now  73,  as  '  the  grandest  tree  ever  I  saw  ;  it  was  a  big 
tree,  wi'  a  trunk  as  thick  as  a  man's  waist,  an'  its  branches  were  a  perfect  circle,  an' 
sae  round  i'  the  tap  !  I'  the  spring  it  was  a  solid  sheet  o'  white  flourishin',  scentin'  the 
whole  toon  end,  an'  its  haws — there  was  na  the  like  o'  them  in  a'  Scotland  !  they  were 
the  biggest  haws  ever  I  saw  in  my  life;  ay,  I've  been  up  the  tree  scores  o'  times  pu'ing 
them  when  I  was  a  laddie.' 

"Rhymer's  Thorn  must  have  been  an  object  of  the  utmost  veneration  to  the  people 
of  Earlstoun,  as  they  believed  their  prosperity  to  be  bound  up  in  its  existence;  and  on 
the  day  it  was  blown  down,  a  great  many  people  ran  with  bottles  of  Wine  and  Whisky, 
and  threw  their  contents  on  it,  so  as,  if  possible,  to  preserve  it  alive.  It  was  always 
said  that  the  Rhymer  prophesied  that  Earlstoun  should  prosper  so  long  as  the  Thorn 
stood ;  and  it  was  a  remarkable  coincidence  that  the  year  it  was  blown  down  all  the 
merchants  in  Earlstoun  '  broke.'  " 

THOMAS'S  DISAPPEARANCE,  p.  1. — "  The  late  Mr  Whale,  wno  was  a  great  repository 
of  the  traditions  of  Earlstoun,  said,  that  the  Public  House,  at  the  door  of  which  the 
Rhymer  sat  when  the  white  hind  went  through  the  village,  stood  in  the  Close,  behind 
the  present  Reading-Room.  There  is,  however,  another  tradition  known  in  Earlstoun 
connected  with  the  sudden  disappearance  of  Thomas.  It  is  said,  that  on  the  night 
when  he  so  mysteriously  disappeared,  he  had  attended  a  banquet  given  by  the  Earl  of 
March  at  his  Castle  in  Earl's  Town,  and  on  his  way  home  to  the  Tower  was  waylaid 
and  murdered,  either  by  some  of  the  neighbouring  barons,  or  by  agents  of  the  Earl 
of  March,  to  whom  he  was  an  object  of  fear  and  dislike,  in  consequence  of  his  close  and 
intimate  friendship  with  Sir  William  Wallace.  The  road  between  Earl's  Town  and 
Ersildoun  passed  in  those  days  to  the  south  of  the  present  road,  and  a  large  two-handed 
sword,  which  was  dug  up  a  good  many  years  ago  in  the  garden  (through  which  the 
old  road  is  said  to  have  crossed)  of  the  late  Mr  George  Noble,  was  purchased  lately  by 
a  descendant  of  the  Earlstoun  Learraonts,  on  account  of  its  supposed  connection  with 
this  tradition."— C.  W. 

"  This  '  sword  of  Thomas  the  Rhymer '  was  a  huge  two-handed  sword,  in  pretty 
good  preservation.  From  the  form  of  handle,  it  may  have  possibly  been  of  tho 
12th  or  13th  century." — A.  C. 


Ixxxvi 


NOTES,  TEXTUAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 


THE  OLD  HARLEIAN  PROPHECY,  p.  xviii. 

I  DID  not  think  of  insulting  the  reader  by  a  translation  of  this,  but  as  I  have  been 
asked  more  than  once  "  what  does  it  mean  ?  "  here  it  is  : — 

The  Countess  of  Dunbar  asked  Thomas  of  Erceldoune  when  the  Scottish  war  should 
have  an  end,  and  he  answered  her  and  said  : 

When  people  have  (man  has)  made  a  king  of  a  capped  man ; 

When  another  man's  thing  is  dearer  to  one  than  his  own  ; 

When  Loudyon  [or  London?]  is  Forest,  and  Forest  is  field ; 

When  hares  litter  on  the  hearth-stone  ; 

When  Wit  and  Will  war  together ; 

When  people  make  stables  of  churches,  and  set  castles  with  styes. 

When  Roxburgh  is  no  burgh,  and  market  is  at  Forwylee  ; 

When  the  old  is  gone  and  the  new  is  come  that  is  worth  [or  do]  nought ; 

When  Bannockburn  is  dunged  with  dead  men  ; 

When  people  lead  men  in  ropes  to  buy  and  to  sell  ; 

When  a  quarter  of  *  indifferent '  wheat  is  exchanged  for  a  colt  of  10  merks  ; 

When  pride  rides  on  horseback,  and  peace  is  put  in  prison  ; 

When  a  Scot  cannot  hide  like  a  hare  in  form  that  the  English  shall  not  find  him  ; 

When  right  and  wrong  assent  together  ; 

When  lads  marry  ladies  ;  x 

When  Scots  flee  so  fast,  that  for  want  of  ships,  they  drown  themselves. 

When  shall  this  be  ?    Neither  in  thy  time  nor  in  mine  ; 

But  [shall]  come  and  go  within  twenty  winters  and  one. 

1  In  the  14th,  of  course,  and  not  the  19th  century  meaning  of  these  words,  when  the  "  lads  " 
in  a  shop  may  wed  the  "ladies"  behind  the  counter,  without  any  disparity.  But  lads  have 
"looked  up,"  and  ladies  gone,  well-a-day  1  a  long  way  down,  since  Thomas's  time  ;  although 
in  old-fashioned  country  districts  the  farm-servants  are  still  "the  lads,"  and  the  daughters  of 
the  baron  "the  leddies." 

One  might  suppose  that  Shakspere  had  these  lines  in  view,  where  he  makes  the  Fool  in 
Lear  (Act  III.  Scene  ii.)  parody  these  species  of  composition  : 

"  He  speake  a  Prophesie  ere  I  go  :  When  Vsurers  tell  their  Gold  i'  th'  Field ; 

When  Priests  are  more  in  word,  then  matter;          And  Baudes,  and  whores,  do  churches  build ; 
When  Brewers  marre  their  malt  with  water; 
When  Nobles  are  their  Taylors  Tutors 
No  Heretiques  burn'd,  but  wenches  Sutors  ; 
When  euery  Case  in  Law,  is  right  ; 
No  Squire  in  debt,  nor  no  poore  Knight; 
When  slanders  do  not  Hue  in  Tongues ; 
Nor  Cut-purses  come  not  to  throngs ; 


Then  shal  the  Realme  of  Albion, 
Come  to  great  confusion ; 
Then  comes  the  time,  who  Hues  to  see  't 
That  going  shalbe  vs'd  with  feet. 
This  prophecie  Merlin  shall  make,  for  I  Hue 
before  his  time." 


Comas   Off 


[Thornton  MS.  leaf  149,  lack,  col.  1.] 

Lystyns,  lordyngs,  bothe  grete  &.  smale, 
And  takis  gude  tente  what  j  will  saye  : 
I  saH  3ow  telle  als  trewe  a  tale, 

Als  euer  was  herde  by  nyghte  or  daye  :  4 

And  f  e  maste  merueHe  ffor  owttyne  naye, 
That  euer  was  herde  by-fore  or  syene, 
And  f er-fore  pristly  j  $ow  praye, 
That  36  wiH  of  3oure  talkyng  blyne.  8 

It  es  an  harde  thyng  for  to  saye, 
Of  doghety  dedis  fat  hase  bene  done ; 
Of  feHe  feghtyngs  &  bateHs  sere ; 
And  how  J>at  J)ir  knyghtis  hase  wonne  fair  schone.  12 
Bot  jhesu  crist  fat  syttis  in  trone, 
Safe  ynglyscfre  mene  bothe  ferre  &  nere ; 
And  j  satt  telle  ^ow  tyte  and  sone, 
Of  BateHs  donwe  sythene  many  a  3ere  j  16 

And  of  bateHs  fat  done  satt  bee ; 
In  whate  place,  and  howe,  and  whare  j 
And  wha  saH  hafe  f  e  heghere  gree, 
And  whethir  partye  saH  hafe  f  e  werre ;  20 

"Wha  saH  takk  f  e  flyghte  and  flee, 
And  wha  saH  dye  and  by-leue  thare : 
Bot  jhesu  crist,  fat  dyed  on  tre, 
Sane  jnglysche  mene  whare-so  pay  fare.  24 

ERCILDOUN.  1 


2 


THOMAS,   LYING   ON   HUNTLEY   BANKS,   SEES   THE   LADY   BIDING  BY. 


\Thornton,  continued.] 
[FYTTE  THE  FIRSTE.] 

A  Is  j  me  wente  J>is  Endres  daye, 
ffuH  faste  in  mynd  makand  my 
mone, 

In  a  mery  mornywge  of  Maye, 
By  huntle  bankkes  my  selfe  allone,     28 
I  herde  jje  jaye,  &  )>e  throstyH  cokke, 
The  Mawys  menyde  hir  of  hir  songe, 
}3e  wodewale  beryde  als  a  belie, 
That  aHe  J?e  wode  a-bowte  me  ronge.   32 
Allonwe  in  longynge  thus  als  j  laye, 
Vndyre-nethe  a  semely  tree, 

j  whare  a  lady  gaye 

ouer  a  longe  lee.  36 

If  j  solde  sytt  to  domesdaye,  [coi.  2] 

With  my  tonge,  to  wrobbe  and  wrye, 
Certanely  )?at  lady  gaye, 
JSTeuer  bese  scho  askryede  for  mee.       40 
Hir  palfraye  was  a  dappili  graye, 


[Cotton,  Vitell.  E  .x.  leaf  240,  lack.] 
1Incipit  prophecia  Thome  Arseldon 

[icol.1] 

IN"  a  lande  as  I  was  lent, 
In  fe  grykyng  of  J>e  day, 

Me  a  lone  as  I  went, 
In  huntle  bankys  me  for  to  play. 
I  sawe  Y  throstyl  &  J>e  lay ; 
J?e  mawes  movyde  of  hyr  songe  • 
J>6  wodwale  sange  notes  gay, 
)>at  all  J>e  wod  a  boute  range. 
In  Jjat  longynge  as  I  lay, 
vndir  nethe  a  dern  tre, 
I  was  war  of  a  lady  gay, 
Come  rydyng  ouyr  a  fayre  le. 
^ogh  I  sulde  sitt  to  domysday, 
With  my  tonge  to  wrabbe  &  wry, 
Sertenly,  all  hyr  aray, 
It  beth  neuer  discryuyd  for  me. 
hyr  palfra  was  dappyll  gray, 


Swylke  one  ne  saghe  j  neuer  none ; 
Als  dose  J>e  sonne  on  someres  daye, 
])ai  faire  lady  hir  selfe  scho  schone.     48 
Hir  seHe  it  was  of  roeHe  bone, 
ffuH  semely  was  pat  syghte  to  see  ! 
Stefly  sett  w^  precyous  stones, 
And  compaste  ail  with  crapotee,          52 
Stones  of  Oryente,  grete  plente ; 
Hir  hare  abowte  hir  hede  it  hange ; 
Scho  rade  ouer  Jjat  lange  lee ;  55 

A  whylle  scho  blewe,  a-no]?er  scho  sange. 

THORNTON 


Syche  on  say  I  neuer  none ; 

...  als  son  in  sorners  day, 

All  abowte  Jjat  lady  schone. 

hyr  sadyl  was  of  a  jewel  bone, 

A  semely  sy^t  it  was  to  se ; 

.  [wjroght  with  mony  a  precyouse  stone, 

And  compasyd  all  w^  crapote. 

Stones  of  pjosrt  gret  plente ; 

a  boute  hyr  hede  it  hang ; 

. J?e  fair  le 

shee  blewe  anofer  she  sange. 

COTTON 


HER   PALFREY,    HARNESS,    AND   ATTIRE,    SHINE  WITH   GOLD   AND   GEMS.  3 

[Lansdowne  762,  leaf  24.]  -    [Cambridge  Univ.  Lib.  MS.Ff.,  leaf 119.] 

[FOOTT  THE  FIKST.]  [FYTTE  THE  FIESTE.]     u" 

As  I  me  went  this  thender  day,  .        As  I  me  went  "pis  Andyrs  day, 


So  styll  makyng  my  Mone, 

In  a  Mery  Moriiyng  of  May, 

In  huntly  bankes  My  self  alone,          28 

I  harde  the  Meryll  and  the  lay, 

the  Maner  Menede  of  hir  song, 

the  wylde  wode-wale  song  notes  gay,  31 

that  alle  the  shawys  abowte  hem  Kong. 

IT  But  in  a  loning,  as  I  lay, 
Ynder  neth  a  semely  tre, 
I  saw  where  a  lady  gay 
Cam  rydyng  oner  a  lonely  le.  36 

thowh  that  I  letie  styll  tyll  domys  day, 
with  any  my  tonge  to  worble  or  were, 
The  certayn)  sothe  of  hir  Array 
May  neuer  be  descreued  for  me.  40 

IF  Hir  palfray  was  of  daply  gray, 
xThe  farest  Molde  that  any  myght  be; 
here  sadell  bryght  as  any  day.  c1  leaf  24,  bki 
Set  with  pereles  to  J?e  kne.  44 

And  furthermore  of  hir  Aray, 
Diners  clothing  she  had  vpon ; 
And  as  the  sonne  in  somerys  day, 
Forsouthe  the  ladye  here  sylffe  shone.  48 

IT  here  sege  was  of  ryall  bone, 
Syche  one  sau  I  neuer  with  ye  ! 
Set  w^t/i  many  A  precious  stone, 
And  cumpasyde  all  with  crapote.         52 
"With  stonys  of  oryoles,  grete  plenty ; 
Dyamondes  thick  aboute  hir  honge ; 
She  bare  a  home  of  gold  semely, 
And  vnder  hir  gyrdell  a  none.  56 

LANSDOWNE 


ffast  on  my  way  makyng  my  mone, 

In  a  mery  mornyng  of  may, 
Be  huntley  bankz's  my  self  alone, 
I  herde  J>e  iay,  &  J?e  throstell, 
J>e  mavys  menyd  in  hir  song, 
j?e  wodewale  farde  as  a  bell. 
Jjat  J?e  wode  aboute  me  rong. 
Alle  in  a  longyng,  as  I  lay, 
Vndwrneth  a  cumly  tre, 
Saw  I  wher  a  lady  gay 
Came  ridand  ouer  a  louely  le. 
^if  I  shuld  sitte  till  domwsday, 
Alle  with  my  tong  to  know  &  se, 
Sertenly,  alle  hur  aray, 
Shalle  hit  neuer  be  scryed  for  me. 
Hir  palfray  was  of  dappull  gray, 


Sike  on  se  I  neuer  non ; 
As  dose  j>e  sune  on  somers  day, 
J>e  cumly  lady  hir  selfe  schone. 
hir  sadill  was  of  reuyll  bone, 
Semely  was  pat  sight  to  se  ! 
Stifly  sette  with  precious  ston, 
Compaste  aboute  with  crapote, 
Stonys  of  oryons,  gret  plente ; 
hir  here  aboute  hir  hed  hit  hong 
She  rode  out  ouer  j>at  louely  le 
A  while  she  blew,  a  while  she  song 

CAMBRIDGE 


4   THOMAS  TAKES  HER  FOR  THE  QUEEN  OP  HEAVEN,  AND  RUNS  TO  MEET  HER.  [FYTTE  I. 

Hir  garthes  of  nobyH:  sylke  fay  were,  .  .  .  er  of  cn'stall  cler, 

The  bukytts  were  of  BereHe  stone,       58  war  fay  sett ; 

Hir  steraps  were  of  crystaHe  clere,  Sadyll  &  brydil  wer  a [ooi.  2] 

And  aH  with  pereHe  ouer-by-gone.       60  with  sylk  &  sendell  fy  .  .  .  . 

Hir  payetreUe  was  of  jrale  fyne,  hyr  paytrel  was  of  y  ...... 

Hir  cropoure  was  of  Orphare ;  And  hir  croper  of  yra  .  .  .  . 

And  als  clere  golde  hir  brydili  it  schorie,  hyr  brydil  was  of  g 

One  aythir  syde  hange  bellys  three.     64  on  euery  syde  for  soth  .... 

hyr  brydil  reynes  w 

A  semly  sy}t  it  w 

Croper  &  paytrel  .  .  .* 

In  euery  joynt. 

[     .'    .     .     .     .     no  break  in  the  MSJ]  She  led  thre  gre 

And  seuene  raches  by  hir  fay  rone ;  &  racches  cowpled 

Scho  bare  an  home  abowte  hir  halse,  She  bare  an  horn  a 

And  vndir  hir  belte  fuH  many  a  none.  72  &  vndir  hyr  gyrdy  11 

Thomas  laye  &  sawe  fat  syghte,  Thomas  lay  &  sawe 

Vndir-nethe  ane  semly  tree ;  In  )>e  bankes  of  h 

Hesayd,  '3  one  es  maryemoste  of  myghte,  he  sayd  '  3onder  is  ma 

J)at  bare  fat  childe  fat  dyede  for  mee.  76  fat  bar  fe  child  fat 

Bot  if  j  speke  wii/i  ^one  lady  bryghte,  certes  bot  I  may  s 

I  hope  myne  herte  wiH  bryste  in  three  !  ellys  my  hert  w 

IsTow  saH  j  go  with  aH  my  myghte,  I  shal  me  hye  with 

Hir  for  to  mete  at  Eldoune  tree.'          80  hyr  to  mete  at  30 

Thomas  rathely  vpe  he  rase,          P  leaf  iso]  Thomas  rathly  up  a 

1And  he  rane  ouer  fat  Mountayne  hye;  &  ran  ouyr  mountay 

Gyff  it  be  als  the  storye  sayes,  if  it  be  sothe  f  e  story 

He  hir  mette  at  Eldone  tree.  84  he  met  hyr  euyn  a 

He  knelyde  downe  appone  his  knee,  Thomas  knelyd  down  on  h  ... 

Vndir-nethe  fat  grenwode  spraye  ;  vndir  nethe  f  e  gr 

And  sayd,  '  lufly  ladye !  rewe  one  mee,  And  sayd  '  louely  lad 

Qwene  of  heuene  als  f  on  wele  maye  ! '  88  Qwene  of  lieu 

Than  spake  fat  lady  Milde  of  thoghte,  [leaf  2413 

'  Thomas  !  late  swylke  wordes  bee ;  

Qwene  of  heuene  ne  am  j  noghte,  

ffor  j  tuke  neuer  so  heghe  degre.          92 

THORNTON  COTTON 


FYTTE  I.]     HE  DOES  HER  REVERENCE,  SHE  TELLS  HIM  SHE  IS  OF  "  ANOTHER  COtJNTRY."     5 


IT  She  blewe3  A  note,  and  treblyd  Als,    , 
the  Ryches  into  the  shawe  gan)  gone ; 
There  was  no  man)?that  herd  fe  npyes, 
Saue  thomas  there  he  lay  a  lone.       .60 
here  cropyng  was  of  ryche  gold, 
here  parrell  alle  of  Alaran ; 
here  brydyll.  wa,s  of  Reler  bolde ; 
On  euery  side  hangyd  bellys  then.       64 


^T  She  led  iij  greue  hwndes  in  a  leshe, 
Seue  richys  aboute  hir  syde  ran) ;         70 


Thomas  ley  and  beheld  this  sygfrt, 
vnder  neth  a  sembly  tre ; 
'  yendyr  ys  that  ladye  most  of  myglit, 
That  bare  the  chylde  that  blede  for  me. 
But  yf  I  speke  with  that  lady  brygfit,  77 
I  trowe  my  harte  wolde  breke  in  thre ; 

^T I  wyll  go  wyth  all  my  myglit, 
And  mete  with  hir  at  Elden  tre.'         80 
Thomas  Raythly  vp  A  Rose, 
And  Ran  ouer  that  Montayne  hye  j 
yf  it  be  as  the  story  sais, 
1He  met  with  hir  at  elden  tre.  84 

He  knelyd  vpon  his  kne,  [Ueaf25j 

Vndernethe  a  grene  wode  spraye ; 

^[ '  Louely  lady  !  rewe  on  me ; 
Quene  of  heuyn),  as  ye  wele  may  ! '      88 
Then  said  that  lady  Mylde-  of  Bought, 
'  Thomas,  lat  suche  wordes  be  ! 
For  quene  of  heuyn)  am  I  not, 
I  toke  neuer  so  hye  degre.  92 

LANSDOWNE 


2  Hir  garthis  of  nobull  silke  fei  were, 

hir  boculs  fei  were  of  barys  ston ; 

hir  stiroppis  thei  were  of  cristall  clere, 

And  alle  with  perry  aboute  be  gon. 

Hir  paytrell  was  of  a  riall  fyne, 

Hir  cropur  was  of  Arafe ; 

Hir  bridull  was  of  golde  fyne ; 

On  every  side  hong  bellis  thre. 

She  led  iij  grehoundis  in  a  leesshe, 

viij  rachis  be  hir  fete  ran ; 

To  speke  with  hir  wold  I  not  seesse ; 

Hir  lire  was  white  as  any  swan. 

fforsothe,  lordyngz's,  as  I  yow  teH, 

Thus  was  ])is  lady  fayre  begon ; 

She  bare  a  home  aboute  hir  halce, 

And  vndwr  hir  gyrdill  mony  flonne. 

Thomas  lay  and  saw  fat  sight, 

Yndwrneth  a  semely  tre  ; 

he  seid,  yonde  is  mary  of  myght, 

fat  bare  J?e  childe  fat  died  for  me. 

Eut  I  speke  with  fat  lady  bright, 

I  hope  my  hert  wille  breke  in  thre ; 

But  I  will  go  with  alle  my  myght, 

Hir  to  mete  at  eldryn  tre. 

Thomas  radly  vp  he  rose, 

And  ran  oner  fat  mounteyn  hye. 

And  certanly,  as  f  e  story  sayes, 

he  hir  mette  at  eldryne  tre. 

he  knelid  downe  vpon  his  kne, 

Yndwrneth  f  e  grenewode  spray ; 

louely  lady  !  f  mi  rew  on  me ; 

qwene  of  heuen,  as  foil  well  may  ! 

Than  seid  fat  lady  bright,  [leaf  120] 

Thomas,  let  such  wordis  be  ! 

ffor  quen  of  heuon  am  I  noght, 

I  toke  neuer  so  hye  degre. 

CAMBRIDGE 


6         HE   PROFFERS   HIS   LOVE,   FROM   WHICH   SHE   TRIES   TO   DISSUADE   HIM.      [FTTTE  I. 

Bote  j  ame  of  ane  of  er  coiwtree,  

If  j  be  payrelde  moste  of  prysse ;  most  of  prise 

I  ryde  aftyre  this  wylde  fee,   "^a-*^ 

My  raches  rynnys  at  my  devyse.'         96  at  my  devys.' 

*  If  f  ou  be  parelde  moste  of  prysee,  

And  here  rydis  thus  in  thy  folye,  lady  in  strange  foly, 

Of  lufe,  lady,  als  f  ou  erte  wysse,  

Jpou  gyffe  me  leue  to  lye  the  bye  !'     100  fou  3eue  me  leue  to  lige  36  by.' 

Scho  sayde,  '  f  ou  mane,  fat  ware  folye,  oly 

I  praye  f  e,  Thomas,  f  ou  late  me  bee ;  *  I  pray  f  e,  thomas,  late  me  be  1 

fibr  j  saye  fe  fuH  sekirlye,  103  erly 

)3at  synne  will  for-doo  all  my  beaute.'  fat  wolde  fordo  all  my  bewte.' 

*  £Tow,  lufly  ladye,  rewe  one  mee,  rew  on  me, 

And  j  will  euer  more  -with  the  dueHe ;  &  euyr  more  I  shal  with  f  e  dwell ; 

Here  my  trouthe  j  wiH  the  plyghte,  nowe  I  plyght  to  f  e, 

Whethir  f  ou  wiH  in  heuene  or  heHe.'  108  where  f  ou  byleues  in  heuyn  or  hell.' 

* ....  t  f  ou  myght  lyg[e]  me  by, 
vndir  nethe  f  is  grene  wode  spray, 

tell  to  morowe  full  hastely, 

fat  f  ou  hade  layne  by  a  lady  ga[y.]' . 

* I  mote  lygge  by  f  e, 

vndir  nethe  )>is  gren  wode  tre, 
.  .  .  .  11  J>e  golde  in  crystyenty, 
sulde  J>ou  neuyr  be  wryede  for  me.' 

'  Mane  of  Molde  !  fou  will  me  marre,          * ...  on  molde,  fou  will  me  marre, 
Bot  3itt  fou  saH  hafe  aH  thy  wiH ;  And  J?e,  bot  J>ou  may  hafe  J?i  will, 

And  trowe  it  wele,  }?ou  chewys  fe  werre,  .  .  .  J>ou  wele,  thomas,  Jjou  cheuyst  fe 
ffor  aHe  my  beaute  wiH  J?ou  spyrle.'  120  foil  al  my  bewte  wilt  fou  spyl[l.]'  [warre> 
Do\vne  fane  lyghte  fat  lady  bryghte,  .  .  une  lyghtyd  f«t  lady  bry3ht, 

Vndir-nethe  fat  grenewode  spraye ;  vndir  nethe  f e  gren  wod  spray ; 

And,  als  the  storye  tellis  fuH  ryghte,  .  .  .  .  f  e  story  sayth  full  ry^t, 

Seuene  sythis  by  hir  he  laye.  124     Seuyn  tymes  by  hyr  he  lay. 

Scho  sayd,  *  mane,  the  lykes  thy  playe  :       ' ....  yd,  man,  f  mi  lyste  f  i  play, 
Whatebyrdeinboure  maye  dellew^t/i  the?    what  berde  in  boure  my^t  dele  with  30  ? 

Thou  merrys  me  aH  f  is  longe  daye,  [coi.  23 es  me  all  f  is  longe  day, 

I  praye  the,  Thomas,  late  me  bee  ! '   128     I  pray  f  e,  thomas,  lat  me  be  ! ' 

THORNTON  COTTON 


FlTTE  I.]    THROUGH  COMPLIANCE  WITH  HIS  DESIRE  ALL  HER  BEAUTY  IS  MARRED. 


1T I  am  of  a  nothere  centre, 
Thowgh"  I  be  perlyd  moste  in  pryce ; 
And  ryde  here  after  the  wylde  fe, 
My  raches  rennyng  att  my  deuyce.'     96 
'  Yf  f  ou  "be  perled  most  in  price, 
And  ryde  here  in  thy  foly, 
louely  lady,  ware  wyce, 
yeue  me  leue  to  lye  the  bye.'  100 

IF  She  said,  '  man),  that  were  foly ; 
I  pray  the  Thomas  lett  me  be ; 
For  I  the  say  sekerelye, 
Syn)  wolde  fou  for-do  al  my  bewte.'  104 
*  A  lowly  lady  !  reu  one  me, 
And  euer  I  wole  withe  the  dwell  •    . 
My  trowcfre  I  plyg&t  to  the, 
whef  ere  fou  wylt  to  hevyne  or  hell.'  108 


But  I  am  a  lady  of  anof  er  cuwtre, 

If  I  be  parellid  moost  of  price ; 

I  ride  aftur  f  e  wilde  fee, 

My  raches  rannen  at  my  deuyse. 

If  fou  be  pareld  most  of  price, 

And  ridis  here  in  pi  balye, 

Lufly  lady,  as  pou  art  wyse, 

To  gif  me  leve  to  lye  pe  by. 

Do  way,  thomas,  fat  were  foly ; 

I  pray  f  e  hertely  let  me  be ; 

ffor  I  say  the  securly, 

fat  wolde  for-do  my  bewte. 

Lufly  lady,  fou  rew  on  me, 

And  I  shall  euermore  with  f  e  dwell ; 

here  my  trouth  I  plight  to  fe, 

Whedttr  fou  wilt  to  heuon  or  hell. 


*IT  *  A  Man)  of  Molde !  fou  wolte  me  Mare, 
And  yete  J>ou  shalte  haue  all  thy  wyll ; 
But  wete  )?ou  well,  J?ou  chece  hit  the  war, 
For  all  my  bewte  J?ou  wolte  spyll.'     120 
A  downe  alyght  that  lady  bryght, 
vnder  nethe  that  grene  wode  spraye ; 
And,  as  the  story  tellythe  ryght, 
Seuen)  sythes  by  hir  he  laye.  124 

IT  '  A  man),  ]je  lykythe  wele  thy  playe : 
Whate  byrde  in  bowre  may  dele  with  the] 
Thou  marrest  me  here  this  long  day, 
I  pray  the,  Thomas,  [lett]  me  be  ! '    128 

LANSDOWNE 


Man  of  molde  !  Jjou  wilt  me  m&rre, 
But  $et  J>ou  shalt  haue  thy  wille ; 
But  trow  fou  well,  J?ou  thryuist  fe  warre, 
ffor  alle  my  beute  fou  wille  spille. 
Down  fen  light  fat  lady  bright, 
yndwrneth  a  grenewode  spray  • 
And,  as  fe  story  tellus  ful  right,  [imo.bk] 
vij  tymes  be  hir  he  lay. 
She  seid,  thomas,  f  ou  likw  f  i  play : 
What  byrde  in  boure  may  dwel  with  f  e  7 
f  ou  marris  me  here  Jra's  lefe  long  day, 
I  pray  the,  Thomas,  let  me  be  ! 

CAMBRIDGE 


8   THOMAS  IS  APPALLED  AT  THE  TRANSFORMATION,  AND  KNOWS  NOT  WHAT  TO  DO.  [FYTTE  I. 


Thomas  stode  vpe  in  pat  stede, 
And  he  by-helde  pat  lady  gaye  j 
Hir  hare  it  hange  aH  over  hir  hede, 
Hir  eghne  semede  owte,patareweregraye. 
And  aHe  pe  riche  clothynge  was  a-waye, 
J}at  he  "by-fore  sawe  in  pat  stede ;       134 
Hir  a  schanke  blake,  hir  oper  graye, 
And  aH  hir  body  lyke  the  lede.          136 
Thomas  laye  &  sawe  pat  syghte, 
Yndir-nethe  pat  grenewod  tree ; 
J}an  said  Thomas,  *  alias !  alias  !         137 
In  faythe  pis  es  a  dullfuH  syghte ; 
How  arte  pou  fadyde  pus  in  pe  face, 
J)at  schane   by-fore   als    pe    sonne    so 
bryght[e]!»  140 


ode  yp  in  pat  stede, 

&  behelde  pat  lady  gay ; 

hange  downe  a  bowte  hyr  hede ; 

hyr  eyn  semyt  oute  be  sorow  grey.    132 

thynge  was  all  away, 

pat  he  before  had  sene  in  pat  stede ; 

blake,  pat  oper  gray, 

hyr  body  als  bio  as  ony  lede. 


de,  &  sayd  l  alias  ! 

.Me  thynke  pis  is  a  dulfull  syght  \ 

,  fadyd  in  pi  face, 

before  pt?u  shone  as  son  so  bry^t.' 


[&  Mon[e], 

Scho  sayd,  '  Thomas,  take  leue  at  sonne  '.'....  e,  thomas,  at  son  &  mone, 

And  als  at  lefe  pat  grewes  on  tree ;    158  at  gresse  &  at  euery  tre ; 

.This  twelmoneth"  satt  pou  with  me  gone,  ....  ethe  sal  pou  vrith  me  gone, 

And  MediH-erthe  saH  pou  none  see.'  160  Medyl  erth  pou  sail  not  se.' 
He  knelyd  downe  appone  his  knee, 

THORNTON  COTTON 


FYTTE  I.]  SHE  BIDS  HIM  TAKE  LEAVE  OF  SUN  AND  MOON,  AND  GO  FROM  EARTH  WITH  HER.  9 


Thomas  stode  vp  in  that  stede,   [leaf  25,  bk] 

And  behelde  that  shulde  be  gay ; 

hure  here  honge  aboute  hir  hede, 

here  yene  semyd  out  that  were,  gray.  132 

IT  And  all  hir  clopyng  were  Awaye, 

There  she  stode  in  that  stede ; 

her  colour  blak,  oper  gray, 

And  all  hir  body  as  betyn  lede.          136 


Thomas  stondand  in  pat  sted, 
And  beheld  pat  lady  gay ; 
hir  here  pat  hong  vpon  hir  hed, 
hir  een  semyd  out,  pat  were  so  gray. 
And  alle  hir  clothis  were  Away, 
pat  here  before  saw  in  pat  stede ; 
pe  too  pe  blak,  pe  topwr  gray, 
pe  body  bloo  as  bete?i  leed. 


T[h]an  said  Thomas,  'Alas  !  alas  ! 
This  is  A  dewellfull  sight ; 
now  is  she  fasyd  in  pe  face,  139 

that  shone  be  fore  as  pe  sonne  brygfrt ! ' 

IF  On  euery  syde  he  lokyde  abowete, 
he  sau  he  mygfrt  no  whare  fle ; 
Sche  woxe  so  grym  and  so  stowte,'  .  .  > 
The  Dewyll  he  wende  she  had  be.     144 
In  the  Name  of  the  trynite,  . 
he  corciuryde  here  anoii)  Rygfct, 
That  she  shulde  not  come  hym  nere, 
But  wende  away  of  his  syght.  148 

IT  She  said,  '  Thomas,  this  is  no  nede, 
For  fende  of  hell  am  I  none ; 
For  the  now  am  I  grete  desese, 
And  suffre  paynis  many  one.  152 

this  xij  Mones  pou  shalt  wzt/?  me  gang, 
And  se  the  maner  of  my  lyffe  j 
for  thy  trowche  thou  hast  me  tane, 
Ayene  pat  may  ye  make  no  stryfe.     156 

IT  Tak  thy  leue  of  sone  and  Mone, 
And  the  lefe  that  spryngyth  on  tre ; 
pis  xij  monthes  pou  most  with  me  gone, 
Middylle  erthe  pou  shalt  not  se.'       .  1.60 

LANSDOWNE 


Thomas  seid,  Alas  !  Alas  ! 
In  feith  p^'s  is  a  dolfull  sight ; 
pat  pou  art  so  fadut  in  pe  face, 
pat  before  schone  as  sunne  bright ! 


Take  pi  leve,  thomas,  at  sune  &  mone, 
And  also  at  levys  of  eldryne  tre ; 
This  twelmond  shall  pou  with  me  gon, 
pat  mydul  erth  pou  shalt  not  se. 
he  knelyd  downe  vpon  his  kne, 

CAMBRIDGE 


10    THEY  ENTER  UNDER  EILDON  HILL,  AND  TRAVEL  THREE  DAYS  IN  DARKNESS.    [FYTTE  I. 

Vndir-nethe  fat  grenewod  spraye;     162 
And  sayd,  '  lufly  lady  !  rewe  on  mee, 
Mylde  qwene  of  heuene,  alsf  oubeste  maye, 

Alias  ! '  he  sayd,  '  &  wa  es  mee  1  11  wo  is  me  ! 

I  trowe  my  dedis  wyH  wirke  me  care ;  I  trowe  my  dedes  will  werke  me  care  : 

My  saulle,  jhesu,  by-teche  j  the,         167  » ake  to  fe, 

Whedir-some  f  at  euermy  banes  saH  fare/  "Whedir  so  euyr  my  body  sal  fare.' 

Scho  ledde  hyra  jn  at  Eldone  hill,  h  with  all  hyr  my3t, 

Vndir-nethe  a  derne  lee  ;  vndir  nethe  fat  derne  lee ; 

Whare  it  was  dirke  als  mydnyght  myrke,  s  derke  as  at  mydny^t, 

And  euer  fe  water  till  his  knee.         172  &  euyr  in  watyr  vnto  fe  kne. 

The  montenans  of  dayes  three,  of  dayes  thre 

He  herd  hot  swoghynge  of  f  e  flode  j  he  herde  but  swowynge  of  a  flode ; 

At  f  e  laste,  he  sayde,  '  fuH  wa  es  mee  !  .  .  .  .  s  sayde,  '  ful  wo  is  me, 

Almaste  j  dye,  for  fewte  of  f  [ode.] '  176  No  we  I  spy  11  for  fawte  of  fode.' 

Scho  lede  hym  in-tiH  a  faire  herbere,  she  lede  hym  tyte ; 

Whare  frwte  was  g[ro]wan[dgretplentee;]  fer  was  fruyte  gret  plente; 

1  Pere  and  appitt,  bothe  ryppe  fay  were,  les  ]>er  were  rype, 

The  date,  and  als  the  damasee ;    [iifiso.bk]  fe  date  &  fe  damese ; 

Jje  fygge,  and  als  so  fe  wyneberye ;    181 fylbert  tre; 

The  nyghtgales  byggande  on  fair  neste  j  f e  nyghtyngale  bredynge  in  hyr  neste ; 

J)e  papeioyes  faste  abowte  gane  flye ;  a  bowte  gan  fle. 

And  throstyHs  sange  wolde  hafe  no  reste.  f  e  throstylkoke  sange  wolde  hafe  no  ... 

He  pressede  to  pulle  frowyte  with  his pulle  fruyt  with  hys  hande ; 

hande,  1 85 

Als  mane  for  fude  fat  was  nere  faynt ;  as  man  for  fawte  fat  was 

Scho  sayd, 'Thomas !  foulatefamestande,  '  lat  all  stande, 

Or  eHs  fe  fende  the  wiH  atteynt.       188  er  els  fe  deuyl  wil  fe  ataynte,  188 

If  f  ou  it  plokk,  sothely  to  saye, 
Thi  saule  gose  to  f  e  fyre  of  hefte ; 
It  commes  neuer  owte  or  domesdaye, 
Bot  fer  jn  payne  ay  for  to  dueHe.      192 

Thomas,  sothely,  j  the  hyghte,  tomas,  I  f  e  hyjt, 

Come  lygge  thyne  hededowne  on  my  knee,  &  lay  f  i  hede  vp  on  my  kne ; 

And  [f  ou]  saH  se  f  e  fayreste  syghte, a  fayrer  syjt, 

j)at  euer  sawe  mane  of  thi  contree.'    196  fat  euyr  sawe  man  in  fu  kofitre. 
He  did  in  hye  als  scho  hym  badde ; 

THORNTON  COTTON 


FYTTE  I.]   THOMAS  IS  FAINT  WITH  HUNGER,  AND  WOULD  FAIN  EAT  FORBIDDEN  FRUIT.    11 

To  mary  mylde  he  made  his  mone : 

Lady  !  but  J>ou  rew  on  me, 

Alle  my  games  fro  me  ar  gone. 

Alas  !  he  seyd,  woo  is  me,  [leaf  121] 

I  trow  my  dedis  *wil  wyrk  me  woo ; 

Ihesu,  my  soule  beteche  I  the, 

Wher  so  euer  my  bonys  shall  goo. 

She  led  hym  to  J?e  eldryn  hill, 

Yndwrneth  ]?e  grenewode  lee, 

Wher  hit  was  derk  as  any  hell, 

And  euer  water  tille  )>e  knee. 

f  er  J?e  space  of  dayes  thre, 

he  herd  but  J?e  noyse  of  J?e  node ; 

At  ]?e  last,  he  seid,  wo  is  me ! 

Almost  I  dye,  for  fowte  of  fode. 

She  led  hym  into  a  fayre  herbere, 

J?er  frute  groande  was  gret  plente ; 

peyres  and  appuls,  bothe  ripe  ]>ei  were, 

J>e  darte  and  also  fe  damsyn  tre ; 

pe  fygge  and  also  ]>e  white  bery ; 

J>e  nyghtyngale  biggyng  hir  nest, 

]>e  popyniay  fast  about  gan  flye, 

fe  throstill  song  wolde  haue  no  rest. 

he  presed  to  pul  )>e  fr[ute  with]  his  honde, 


'  Alas  ! '  he  said,  '  full  wo  is  me, 

I  trowe  my  werkes  wyll  wryche  me  care ; 

My  soule,  Ihesu,  I  be  take  the, 

"Where  on  erthe  my  body  shall  fare.'  168 

I  IT  She  lede  hym  downe  at  elden  hyll, 
vnder  neth  a  derne  le,  C1  leaf  26] 
In  weys  derke  Jjat  was  full  ylle, 

And  euer  water  vp  to  his  kne.  172 

The  monetaynis  of  dayes  thre 
he  harde  but  swoyng  of  the  node ; 
Att  the  last  he  said,  '  full  wo  is  me  ! 
All  most  I  dye  for  defawte  of  fode.'  176 
1F  Sche  browght  hym  tyl  A  fayre  erbore, 
where  fruyt  growyd  grete  plente ; 
Peres  and  Apples  Rype  they  were, 
Datys  and  the  damyse ;  180 

the  fyges  and  the  pynnene  fre ; 
the  nyghtyngalle  byldyng  hire  nest ; 
the  popyngay  abowte  gan  fle, 
the  throssell  song  hauyng  no  rest.      184 

II  Thomas  presyd  to  pull  the  frute  Wi't/t 
his  hand, 

As  man  for  fode  hade  been  feynte ; 
Sche  said,  'Thomas,  let  that  stonde,  187 
Or  elles  ]>e  dewele  wole  the  Ateynte  : 
Yf  J?ou  pull  there  of  Asay, 
Thowe  myght  be  damped  into  hell ; 
Thowe  co??imyst  neuer  owte  agayne, 
But  euer  in  payn)  J)ou  shalt  dwell.      192 

IT  Bat  Thomas  southly  I  the  heght, 
Come  ley  thy  hed  on  my  kne, 
And  jjou  shall  se  the  farest  sight, 
that  euer  saw  man  of  thy  contrey.     196 

LANSDOWNE 


As  man  for  fode  was  nyhonde  feynte ; 

She  seid,  thomas,  let  J?em  stande, 

Or  ellis  J?e  feend  [will]  J>e  ateynte. 

If  Jiou  pulle,  jje  sothe  to  sey,    Deaf  121,  back] 

]?i  soule  goeth  to  Jje  fyre  of  hell ; 

hit  cumraes  neuer  out  til  domws  day, 

But  Jjer  euer  in  payne  to  dwelle. 

She  seid,  thomas,  I  j?e  hight, 

Come  lay  J)i  hed  on  my  kne, 

And  ]?ou  shalle  se  ]?e  feyrest  sight, 

Jjat  euer  saw  mon  of  Jn  cuntre. 

He  leyd  down  his  hed  as  she  hym  badde ; 

CAMBRIDGE 


12    HE  IS  SHOWN  THE  WAYS  TO  PARADISE,  PURGATORY,  HELL.  AND  TO  HER  OWN  COUNTRY. 

Appone  hir  knee  his  hede  he  layde, 

ffor  hir  to  paye  he  was  fuH  glade, 

And  fane  fat  lady  to  hyra  sayde  :      200 

'  Seese  f  ou  nowe  3one  faire  waye,  tomas,  3one  fayre  way, 

})at  lygges  ouer  3one  heghe  mouwtayne  7 —  fat  lyggys  ouyr  3one  fayr  playn  ? 

3one  es  fe  waye  to  heuene  for  aye,     203  ay  to  heuyn  for  ay, 

"Whene  synfuH  sawles  are  passede  f  er  whan  synfull  sawles  haf  ful  .  .  .  .    204 

Seese  f  ou  nowe  3one  ofer  waye,   [Pavne'  is  3one  secwnd  way, 

J?at  lygges  lawe  by-nethe  3one  rysse  ?  fat  ligges  la  we  vndir  f  e  rese  ? 

3one  es  f  e  waye  f  e  sothe  to  saye,  ay,  sothly  to  say, 

Yn-to  fe  joye  of  paradyse.  208  .  .  .  to  fe  joyes  of  paradyse. 

Seese  f  ou  3itt  3one  thirde  waye, 
J)at  ligges  vndir  3one  grene  playne  1 
3one  es  f  e  waye,  with  tene  and  traye, 
Whare  synfutt  saulis  suffirris  faire  payne. 

Bot  seese  f  ou  nowe  3one  ferthe  waye,  .  t s  3one  thyrde  way, 

})at  lygges  ouer  3one  depe  deBe?        214  fat  lygges  ouyr  3one  .  .  . 

3one  es  f  e  waye,  so  waylawaye,  .........  sothly  to  say, 

Yn-to  f  e  birnande  fyre  of  heHe.  to  f  e  bry?myrcg  fyer  of  hell. 

Seese  fou  3itt  3one  faire  castette,  ........  3one  fayr  castell, 

[fat  standis  ouer]  3one  heghe  hiH1?    218  fat  standes  ouyr  3one  .  .  . 

1  Of  towne  &  towre,  it  beris  f  e  beHe ;  .     .         peaf  241,  back] 

In  erthe  es  none  lyke  it  vn-tiH.       pcoi.2]  .     . 

ffor  sothe,  Thomas,  3one  es  myne  awenne,  .  .  .  .  .  tomas 

And  f  e  kynges  of  this  Countree ;       222 

Bot  me  ware  leuer  be  hanged  &  drawene,  .  .  .  hade  leuer  be  han  .  . 

Or  fat  he  wyste  fou  laye  me  by.  . 

When  fou  commes  to  3one  castelle  gaye,  whan  f u  comyst  in  3one  .  . 

I  pray  f  e  curtase  mane  to  bee ;  226 

And  whate  so  any  mane  to  f  e  saye,  what  so  any  man  to  f  e  say, 

Luke  fou  answere  none  bott  mee.  s 

My  lorde  es  seruede  at  ylk  a  mese,  My  lorde  is  seruyd  at  eche  mese, 

With  thritty  knyghttis  faire  &free;  230  with  thry 

I  saH  saye  syttande  at  the  desse,  I  sail  say,  syttynge  on  f  e  dese, 

I  tuke  thi  speche  by^onde  the  see.*  I  toke  f  i  sp 

Thomas  still  als  stane  he  stude,  Thomas  stode  as  still  as  stone, 

And  he  by-helde  fat  lady  gaye ;        234  &  byhelde  fat  lady  .... 

THORNTON  COTTON  * 


HOW  HE  MUST  BEHAVE,  ON  REACHING  HER  COUNTRY,  AND  SPEAK  TO  NONE  BUT  THE  LADY.  13 


200 

Seest  thow  yender  that  playn)  way, 
That  lyeth  ouer  youre  playn)  so  cuyne  ? 
That  is  the  wey,  sothely  to  say, 
To  the  hight  blysse  of  hewyne.          204 

IT  Seyst  pou  yendyr,  A  noper  way, 
That  lyeth  yendyr  vnder  the  grene  Eyce  ? 
T[h]at  is  the  wey,  sothely  to  say, 
To  the  loye  of  paradyce.  208 

Seyst  pow  yender  thrid  way, 
aThat  lyeth  vnder  that  hye  Montayne? 
that  is  the  wey,  sothely  to  say,  pieaf26,bk] 
where  synfull  soulis  sofferis  payne.    212 

If  Seyst  pou  yendur  forthere  way, 
that  lyeth  yendur  full  fell  ? 
hit  it  the  wey,  sothely  to  saye, 
To  the  brynyng  fyer  of  hell.  216 

Seist  pou  yonder,  that  fayre  castell, 
that  standyth  hye  vpon)  that  hyll  1 
of  Townys  and  towris  it  berys  the  bell ; 
On  erthe  is  lyke  non)  oper  tyll.  220 

IT  Forsothe,  Thomas,  that  is  myne  owne, 
And  the  kyngis  of  this  countre ; 
Me  were  as  goode  be  hengyd  or  brent, 
As  he  wyst  pou  layst  me  bye.  224 

when)  thou  eommyst  to  pe  percdyr  castell 
I  pray  the  curtace  man  pou  be ;        Loay> 
And  what  .any  man  to  the  say, 
loke  pou  answere  no  man)  but  me.     228 
<•  IT  My  lorde  is  seruyd  at  the  Messe, 
with  xxx11  bolde  barons  and  thre. 
And  I  wyll  say,  sittyng  at  pe  deyce, 
I  toke  the  speche  at  elden  tre.'  232 

Thomas  stode  styll  as  stone, 
And  behelde  this  lady  gay ; 

LANSDOWNE 


His  lied  vpon  hir  kne  he  leide, 

hir  to  pleese  he  was  furl  gladde, 

And  pen  pat  lady  to  hyw  she  seide : 

Sees  pou  jon&ur  fayre  way 

pat  lyes  ouer  ^ondf^r  mownteyne  ? 

3ondw  is  J>e  way  to  heuera  for  ay, 

Whan  synful  sowlis  haue  duryd  J>er  peyn. 

Seest  J?ou  now,  thom«s,  3ondwr  way, 

pat  lyse  low  vndwr  $on  rise  1 

3ondwr  is  pe  way,  pe  sothe  to  say, 

Into  J?e  ioyes  of  paradyse. 

Sees  ]?ou  3onder  thrid  way, 

pat  lyes  ouer  3ondwr  playne  1 

3onder  is  pe  way,  pe  sothe  to  say, 

per  sinfull  soules  schalle  drye  per  payne. 

Sees  pou  now  ^ondwr  fourt  way,    [leaf  122] 

pat  lyes  ouer  ^ondwr  felle  ? 

3onder  is  pe  way,  pe  sothe  to  say, 

Vnto  pe  brennand  fyre  of  hell. 

Sees  pou  now  jondur  fayre  casteU, 

pat  stondis  vpon  ^ondwr  fayre  hitt  ] 

Off  towne  &  toure,  it  berith  pe  bell ; 

In  mydul  erth  is  non  like  per-till. 

In  faith,  thomas,  ^ondwr  is  myne  owne, 

And  pe  kyngus  of  pi's  cuntre  ; 

but  me  were  bettz^r  be  hengud  &  drawyn, 

pen  he  wist  pat  pou  lay  be  me. 

My.  lorde  is  serued  at  ilk  a  messe,  (229) 

w/tft  xxx*1  kny^tzs  fayre  &  fre ; 

And  I  shalle  say,  sittyng  at  pe  deese, 

I  toke  pi  speche  be  ^onde  pe  lee.     (232) 

Whan  pou  comes,  to  3ondwr  casteH  gay, 

I  pray  pe  curtes  man  to  be ;  (226) 

And  what  so  euer  any  man  to  pe  say, 

Loke  pou  answer  non  but  me.          (228) 

Thomas  stondyng  in  pat  stode, 

And  be  helde  pat  lady  gay ;     , 

CAMBRIDGE 


14   THE  LADY  IS  RESTORED  TO  HER  FORMER  BEAUTY,  AND  THEY  ENTER  THE  CASTLE. 

Scho  come  agayne  als  faire  &  gude,  fan  was  she  fayr  &  ryche  onone, 

And  also  ryche  one  hir  palfraye.        236     &  also  ryal  on  hyr  .... 


Hir  grewehundis  fillide  -with  dere  blode ; 
Hir  raches  couplede  by  my  faye ; 
Scho  blewe  hir  home,  w^tAmayne&  mode, 
Vn-to  fe  casteHe  scho  tuke  fe  waye.  252 
In-to  f  e  hauHe  sothely  scho  went ; 
Thomas  foloued  at  hir  hande  \ 
Than  ladyes  come,  bothe  faire  &  gent, 
With  curtassye  to  hir  knelande.         256 
Harpe  &  fethiH  bothe  fay  fande, 
Getterne,  and  als  so  f  e  sawtrye ; 
Lutte  and  rybybe  bothe  gangande, 
And  aft  manere  of  mynstralsye.          260 
\)Q  moste  merueHe  fat  Thomas  thoghte, 
Whene  fat  he  stode  appone  f e  flore ; 
ffor  feftty  hertis  jn  were  broghte, 
Jjat  were  bothe  grete  and  store.  264 

Raches  laye  lapande  in  f  e  blode, 
Cokes  come  with  dryssynge  knyfe ; 
Thay  brittened  fame  als  fay  were  wode, 
ReueHe  amanges  fame  was  fuH  ryfe.  268 
1  Knyghtis  dawnesede  by  three  and  three, 
There  was  revelle,  gamene,  and  playe ; 
Lufly  ladyes  faire  and  free,  c1  leaf  151] 

THORNTON 


f  e  grewhondes  had  fylde  f  aim  on  f  e  dere, 
&  ratches  .......... 

she  blew  hyr  home,  thomas  to'  chere, 

&  to  f  e  castel  she  to 

f  e  lady  in  to  f  e  hall  went, 
thomas  folowyd  at  hyr  h  .  .  .  . 
far  kept  hyr  mony  a  lady  gent, 
with  curtasy  &  lawe  kne  ...» 
harpe  &  fedyl  both  he  fande, 
f  e  getern  &  f  e  sawtery ; 
Lut  &  rybib  f  er  gon  gange, 
f  er  was  all  maner  of  mynstralsy. 
f  e  most  ferly  fat  thomas  thoght, 

whan  he  come  o  myddes 

fourty  hertes  to  quarry  were  bro^t, 
fat  had  ben  before  both  sty  .  .  . 
lymors  lay  lapynge  blode, 
&  kokes  standyng  with  dressynge  .  .  . 
&  dressyd  dere  as  f  ai  were  wode, 
&  reuell  was  f  er  wonder  r  .  .  . 
kny^tes  dansyd  by  two  &  thre, 
all  fat  leue  lange  day ; 
ladyes  fat  were  gret  of  gre, 
COTTON 


FYTTE  I.]      HERE  THOMAS  DWELLS  3  YEARS  AMID  REVEL,  GAME,  AND  MINSTRELSY.  15 


Sche  was  as  white  as  whelys  bone, 
And  as  Kyche  on  hir  palefray.  236 

1F  Thomas  said,  '  lady,  wele  is  me, 
that  euer  I  baide  this  day ; 
no  we  ye  bene  so  fayre  and  whyte, 
By  fore  ye  war  so  blake  and  gray  !     240 
I  pray  you  that  ye  wyll  me  say, 
lady,  yf  thy  wyll  be, 
why  ye  war  so  blake  and  graye  ? 
ye  said  it  was  be  cause  of  me.'  244 

IT  '  For  sothe,  and  I  had  not  been)  so, 
Sertayne  sothe  I  shall  the  tell ;      neaf  2?] 
Me  had  been  as  good  to  goo, 
To  the  brynnyng  fyre  of  hell ;  248 

My  lorde  is  so  fers  and  fell, 
that  is  king  of  this  centre, 
And  fulle  sone  he  wolde  haue  yesmell, 
of  the  defaute  I  did  with  the.'  252 

1F  In  to  the  halle  worldely  they  went, 
Thomas  folowde  at  hir  honde  ; 
Forthe  came  ladyes  fayre  and  gent, 
Curtesly  Ayene  hir  kneland.  256 

Harpe  and  fythell  bothe  they  foynd, 
the  sytoll  and  the  sawtery ; 
the  gytorne  and  rybbe  gan)  goyn), 
•   And  all  maner  of  Menstrally.  260 

IF  J?e  noeste  ferly  that  thomas  hade, 
when  he  was  stondyng  on  the  flowre, 
the  gretest  hert  of  alle  hys  londe, 
that  was  stronge,  styfe,  and  store ;     264 
Raches  lay  lapyng  of  his  blode, 
And  kokes  with  dressyng  knywy  s  A  hande, 
Trytlege  the  dere,  as  they  were  wode, 
there  was  Ryfe,  reuoll  Amonge.          268 

1T  Knyghtys  dawnsyng  by  iij  and  thre, 
there  was  reuell,  game,  and  play ; 
louely  ladyes,  fayre  and  fre, 

LANSDOWNE 


She  was  as  feyre  and  as  gode, 
And  as  riche  on  hir  palfray. 


1  Hir  greyhoundis  fillid  with  )?e  dere  blode ; 
Hir  rachis  coupuld  be  my  fay ;  c1  if  122,  bk] 
She  blew  hir  home,  on  hir  palfray  gode, 
And  to  J>e  castell  she  toke  J)e  way. 
Into  a  haH  sothly  she  went ; 
Thomas  folud  at  hir  hande  j 
Ladis  came,  bothe  faire  &  gent, 
fful  curtesly  to  hir  kneland. 
harpe  and  fidul  both  Jjei  fande, 
J>e  getern,  and  also  J?e  sautry ; 
J?e  lute  and  J>e  ribybe  both  gangand, 
And  alle  maner  of  mynstralcy.  260 

kny^t/s  dawrisyng  be  thre  &  thre, 
J>er  was  revel,  both  game  &  play ; 
j>er  ware  ladys,  fayre  and  fre, 
Dawnsyng  [one  ric]he  aray.  (272) 

J>e  grettist  ferlye  fat  thomas  tho^t, 
whew  xxxti  hart/5  ley  [up]on  flore ; 
And  as  mony  dere  in  were  broght, 
pat  was  largely  long  &  store.  (264) 

Rachis  lay  lappand  on  J?e  dere  blode, 
J?e  cokys  J>ei  stode  with  dressyng  kny  ves  j 
Brytnand  ]>e  dere  as  J>ei  were  wode ; 

CAMBRIDGE 


1 6    THOMAS  IS  SUDDENLY  BIDDEN  TO  RETURN  TO  EARTH,  TO  ESCAPE  SEIZURE  BY  A  FIEND; 


That  satte  and  sange  one  riche  araye. 
Thomas  duellide  in  that  solace  273 

More  fane  j  $owe  saye  parde ; 
Titt  one  a  daye,  so  hafe  I  grace, 
My  lufly  lady  sayde  to  mee  :  276 

'  Do  buske  the,  Thomas,  f  e  buse  agayne ; 
ffor  f  ou  may  here  no  lengare  be ; 
Hye  the  faste  with  myghte  &  mayne, 
I  satt  the  brynge  titt  Eldone  tree.'     280 
Thomas  sayde  fane  with  heuy  chere, 
'  Lufly  lady,  nowe  late  me  bee, 
ffor  certis,  lady,  j  hafe  bene  here 
Noghte  bot  f  e  space  of  dayes  three  ! '  284 
*  ffor  sothe,  Thomas,  als  j  f  e  teHe, 
J>ou  hase  bene  here  thre  3ere  &  more ; 
Bot  langere  here  f  ou  may  noghte  dueHe, 
The  skylie  j  saH  f  e  tette  whare-fore  ^288 
To  Morne,  of  heHe  f  e  fouHe  fende. 
Amange  this  folke  witt  feche  his  fee ; 
And  f  ou  arte  mekiH  mane  and  hende, 
I  trowe  fuH  wele  he  wolde  chese  the. 
ffor  aHe  f  e  golde  fat  euer  may  bee,    293 
ffro  hethyne  vn-to  f e  worldis  ende, 
J}ou  bese  neuer  be-trayede  for  mee ; 
J}ere-fore  with  me  j  rede  thou  wende.' 
Scho  broghte  hym  agayne  to  Eldone  tree, 
Vndir-nethe  fat  grenewode  spraye ;    298 
In  huntlee  bannkes  es  mery  to  bee, 
Whare  fowles  synges  bothe  nyght  &  daye. 
'  fferre  owtt  in  3one  Mountane  graye, 
Thomas,  my  fawkone  bygges  a  neste ; 
A  fawconne  es  an  Erlis  praye,  303 

ffor-thi  in  na  place  may  he  reste.    c1  col.  2] 
1  ffare  wele,  Thomas,  j  wend  my  waye, 
ffor  me  by-houys  ouerthir  benttis  browne.' 
loo  here  a  fytt  more  es  to  saye, 
AH  of  Thomas  of  Erselldowne.  308 

THORNTON 


sat  &  sange  of  ryche  aray. 

Thomas  sawe  more  in  fat  place, 

fan  I  kan  discry  pardfe]  ; 

Til  on  a  day,  alias  !  alias  ! 

My  lonely  lady  sayd  to  .  . 

*  buske  f  e,  thonias,  f  ou  most  agayn, 

here  f  ou  may  no  la 

hy  f  e  3  erne  at  f  ou  wer  at  hame, 

I  sail  f  e  brynge  to ' 

thomas  answerd  with  heuy  chere, 
&  sayd,  *  louely  lady,  lat  .  .  .  . 
for  I  'say  f  e  sertenly,  here 

hafe  I  be  bot  f  e  space  of  d ' 

•'  Sothly,  tomas,  as  I  tell  f  e, 

f  ou  hath  ben  here  thre  3ere 

&  here  f  ou  may  no  langer  be, 

&  I  sail  tell  f  e  a  skele 

to  morowe,  of  hell  f  e  foule  fende, 

A  mawg  oure 

for  f  ou  art  a  large  man,  &  an  hende, 

trowe  f  ou  wele 

for  all  f  e  golde  fat  may  be, 

fro  hens  vnto  f  e  wor 

sal  f  ou  not  be  bytrayed  for  me  ; 
&  f  er  for  sail  f  ou  hens  .... 
She  bro3t  hym  euyn  to  eldon  tre, 

vndir  neth  f  e  gr 

In  huntle  bankes  was  fayre  to  be, 

f  er  breddis  syng 

Ferre  ouyr  3on  montayns  gray, 
f  er  hathe  my  facon 


COTTON 


FYTTE  I.]    THE  LADY  BEINGS  HIM  AGAIN  TO  EILDON  TREE,  AND  BIDS  HIM  FAREWELL.    17 


Satte  syttyng  in  A  ryall  Araye.          272 

Thomas  dwellyd  in  that  place 

longer  J?an  I  sey,  parde, 

Tyll  one  day,  by  fyll  that  cace, 

To  hym  spake  that  ladyes  fre.  276 

IF    '  Buske   the,   Thomas,  thou   most 
for  here  ]?ou  may  no  lenger  be ;    [Ayene> 
xhye  the  fast  with"  Mode  and  Mayne, 
I  shalte  the  bryng  at  elden  tre.'  p  if  27,  bk] 
Thomas  said,  with  heuy  chere,  281 

'  louely  lady,  lat  me  be  ! 
For  certaynlye,  I  haue  ben  here 
But  the  space  of  dayes  Jjre.'  284 

IT  '  Forsoth,  Thomas,  I  wolle  the  tell, 
thou  hast  been  her  iij  yere  and  More ; 
And  here  J)ou  may  no  lenger  dwell, 
I  shall  the  tell  A  skele  wherefore ;     288 
To  morowe,  a  fowle  fend  of  hell, 
A  Mongis  this  folke  shall  chese  his  fe, 
And  for  thou  arte  long  man  and  hende, 
I  lewe  wele,  he  wyll  haue  fe.  292 

1T  And  for  all  the  goode  that  euer  myght  be, 
For  hevene  to  the  worldris  ende, 
Shalt  Jjou  neuer  be  bytrayed  by  me ; 
Jjere  fore  I  rede  the  with  me  wend.'  296 
IS  he  browght  hym  Ageyn  to  elden  tre, 
Vnder  neth"  A  grene  wode  spray ; 
In  huntely  banker  is  man)  to  be, 
Where  fowlis  syngith  nyght  and  day.  300 

IT  '  For  ouere  youre  Montayne  graye, 
"Where  my  fawcone  beldith  his  nest, 
the  fawcone  is  the  herons  pray, 
therefore  in  no  place  may  she  Rest.   304 
Faire  wele,  Thomas,  I  wende  my  way, 
Me  bous  ouere  yowre  brwtes  broume.' 
Here  is  A  foott,  And  tway  to  say, 
Of  Thomas  of  Assildown.  308 

LANSDOWNE 
ERC1LDOUN. 


Reuell  was  among  fern  rife.  (268) 

There  was  reuell,  game,  &  play,     [leaf  123] 

More  pan  I  yow  say  parde 

Tille  hit  fel  vpon  a  day, 

My  lufly  lady  seid  to  me  : 

Buske  J>e,  thomas,  for  J?ou  most  gon, 

ffor  here  no  longer  mayst  jjou  be ; 

hye  J?e  fast,  with  mode  and  mone ; 

I  shalle  j?e  bryng  to  eldyn  tre. 

Thomas  answerid  with  heuy  chere, 

Lufly  lady,  fou  let  me  be ; 

ffor  certenly,  I  haue  be  here 

But  J>e  space  of  dayes  thre. 

ffor  sothe,  thomas,  I  J>e  telle, 

Jjou  hast  bene  here  seuen  $ere  and  more ; 

ffor  here  no  longer  may  Jwu  dwell, 

I  shal  tel  j>e  the  skyl  wherfore  : 

To  morou,  on  of  hel,  a  fowle  fende, 

Among  ]?ese  folke  shal  chese  his  fee ; 

Jjou  art  a  fayre  man  and  a  hende, 

fful  wel  I  wot  he  wil  chese  the. 

ffor  alle  pe  golde  pat  euer  myght  be, 

ffro  heuon  vnto  J?e  wordis  ende, 

Jjou  beys  neuer  trayed  for  me ; 

fforfth]  with  me  I  rede  the  wende. 

She  broght  hym  agayn  to  eldyn  tre, 

Vndwrneth  Jje  grenewode  spray ; 

In  huntley  banka's  ^'s  for  to  be,  [leaf  123,  bk] 

ther  foulys  syng  bope  ny^t  &  day, 

'  ffor  out  ouer  ^on  mownten  gray, 

Thomas,  a  fowken  malm  his  nest ; 

A  fowkyn  is  an  yrons  pray, 

ffor  ])ei  in  place  wiH  haue  no  rest. 

ffare  wel,  thom«s,  I  wende  my  way, 

ffor  me  most  ouer  ^on  bent^s  brown/ 

This  is  a  fytte ;  twayn  ar  to  seyr 

Off  Thomas  of  Erseltown. 

CAMBRIDGE 


18 


THOMAS   ASKS   A   TOKEN   AS   A   PARTING   GIFT. 


[FYTT  THE  SECONDS.] 


F 


[are  wele,  Thomas,  j  wend  my  waye, 
I  may  no  lengare  standew?'t/t  the !' 
1  Gytf  me  a  tokynynge,  lady  gaye, 
That  j  may  saye  j  spake  with  the.'    ,312 
'  To  harpe  or  carpe,  whare-so  ])ou  gose, 
Thomas,  fou  saH  hafe  J>e  chose  sothely.' 
And  he  saide,  '  harpynge  kepe  j  none  ; 
ffor  tonge  es  chefe  of  mynstralsye.'     316 

*  If  fou  wiH  speHe,  or  tales  tette, 
Thomas,  fou  saH  neuer  lesynge  lye, 
Whare  euer  fou  fare,  by  frythe  or  fefte, 
I  praye  the,  speke  none  euyH  of  me  ! 
ffare  wele,  Thomas,  w^t^-owttyne  gyle, 

I  may  no  lengare  dueHe  with  the.'     322 
1  Lufly  lady,  habyde  a  while, 
And  teHe  fou  me  of  some  ferly  !  * 

*  Thomas,  herkyne  what  j  the  saye  : 
Whene  a  tree  rote  es  dede,  326 
The  leues  fadis  fane  &  wytis  a-waye  j 

&  froyte  it  beris  nane  fane,  whyte  ne  rede. 
Of  f  e  baylliolfe  blod  so  saH  it  fatte  : 
It  satt  be  lyke  a  rotyne  tree ;  330 

The  comyns,  &  ])e  Barlays  alle, 
The  KusseHs,  &  f  e  ffreseHs  free, 

THOENTON 


[FYTTE  n, 

[Sloane  2578,  leaf  6  (begins  at  Fytt  2).] 
[FYTT  THE  SECOND.] 

IT  Heare  begynethe  J?e  ijd  fytt  I  saye 

of  Sir  thomas  of  Arseldon. 

'  Farewell,  thomas,  I  wend  my  waye ;  309 

I  may  no  lenger  dwell  with  the.' 

'  Gnyve  me  some  token,  Lady  gaye, 

that  I  may  saye  I  spake  with  the.'    312 

'  to  harpe  or  carpe,  whither  thowe  can; 

thomas,  J>ou  shalt  haue  sothely.' 

he  said  '  herpinge  kepe  I  none ; 

for  tonge  is  chief  of  mynstrelsy.'        316 

*  &  jjou  wilt  speake,  &  tales  tell, 

thowe  shalt  neuer  leasynge  lye ; 

whither  J?ou  walke  by  frythe  or  fell, 

I  pray  the,  speake  none  ivell  by  me !  320 

Fare  well,  thomas,  wi't/zouten  gile, 

I  may  no  lenger  abide  w^tft  the.' 

'  Lovly  lady,  abide  a  while, 

and  some  ferly  tell  thowe  me  ! '          324 

'  thomas,  herken  what  I  shall  saye  : 

whew  a  tre  rote  is  deade, 

the  leaves  faden  &  fallen  awaye, 

Fruyt  it  bearethe  none  on  in  elde.     328 

[No  break  in  the  MS.] 
the  baly  of  blud  it  shalbe, 
their  comens,  &  J?er  barons  all, 
the  Kusselles,  &  J?e  fresselles  fre,        332 
SLOANE 


Continuation  of  COTTON  Manuscript* 
[FYT  THE  SECOND.] 

Fare  wele  thomas  I  wende  my  way  •  I  may  no  lang 
[Gyfe]  me  a  tokyn  lady  gay  •  If  euyr  I  se  }ow  w 
[To  ha]rpe  or  carp  wher  fat  fou  gon  f  fou  sal  hafe  J> 
thomas  sayde  harpywg  kep  I  non  •  for  tonge  is  che[f 
[Fare]  wele  thomas  for  nowe  I  go  •  I  will  no  langer  sta[y 


312 
316 


HE   ASKS   TO   HEAR   SOME   FERLY  j    SHE   PREDICTS   THE   RUIN   OF   THE  BALIOLS.    19 


[EOOTT  THE  SECOND.] 


[FYTTE  THE  SECOND.] 


IT  'Eare  wele,  Thomas,  I  wend  my  way; 

I  may  no  langer  dwell  with  the.' 

['  G]yf  sum  tokyne,  my  lady  gay,  [leaf  28] 

that  euer  I  saw  the  with  my  ye '        312 

'  To  harp  or  carp,  where  euer  I  gone, 

Thomas,  f  ou  shalt  chese  sojiele.' 

'  I,  lady,  harpyng  wyll  I  none, 

Eor  townge  is  cheffe  Mynstralye.'      316 

1T  '  Yf  f  ou  wolte  speke,  or  tails  tell, 
lesynges  shalt  f  ou  neuer  lye ; 
But  where  f  ou  go  by  fryf  or  fell, 
I  pray  the,  speke  no  ewylle  by  me  !  320 
Fare  wele,  Thomas,  I  wend  my  wey ; 
I  may  no  langere  dwell  with  the,' 
1  yete,  louely  lady  !  goode  and  gay, 
A  byde  and  tell  me  More  ferlye.'       324 


LANSDOWNE 


'  T7^are  wel>  Thomas,  I  wend  may, 

JL     I  may  no  lengur  stand  with  the  ! ' 
'  gif  me  sum  tokyn,  lady  gay, 
fat  I  may  say  I  spake  with  the.'       312 
To  harpe  or  carpe,  thomas,  wher  so  euer 
Thomas,  take  f  e  chese  with  the.  ke  Son> 
harpyng,  he  seid,  kepe  I  non, 
ffor  tong  is  chefe  of  mynstralse.         316 
*  If  Jjou  wil  spiH,  or  talys  telle, 
Thomas,  f  ou  shal  neuer  make  lye ; 
"Wher  so  euer  ])ou  gos,  be  frith  or  felle, 
I  pray  ]?e,  speke  neuer  no  ille  of  me  !  320 
ifare  wel,  Thomas,  and  wel  J>ou  be ; 
I  can  no  lengwr  stand  J>e  by.' 
'  Lovely  lady,  fayre  &  fre, 
Tel  me  jet  of  som  farley  ! '  .324 

1  Thomas,  truly  I  J?e  say :  [leaf  124] 

Whan  a  tre  rote  is  ded, 
J>e  levys  fal,  and  dwyne  away ; 
ffrute  hit  berys,  nedwr  white  nor  red.  328 
So  shalle  J?zs  folkys  blode  be  faH, 
fat  shal  be  like  3  on  roten  tre ; 
fe  semewes  &  fe  telys  alt, 
f e  resuH  &  fe  frechel  fre,  332 

CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

[Louely]  lady  wo  is  me  so  •  A  byde  &  tell  me  [some]  fe 
[Herken]  thomas  as  I  f  e  sey  •  whan  f  e  trees  rode  is  de 
[The  leues]  fallyth  &  wastyth  a  way  •  it  beryth  no  fruy 

[.  .  .  .  i bali]oves  blode  be  fall  •  I  lyken  to  f  e  ro 

[. ]  &  f  es  elders  all  *  all  for  soth  a  way 


324 
328 
332 


20 


SHE    PREDICTS    THE  BATTLE   OP   HALIDON    HILL. 


[FYTTE  n. 


AH  saH  fay  fade,  and  wyte  a-waye ; 
JSTa  ferly  if  fat  froyte  than  dye.          334 
And  mekiH  bale  sail  after  spraye, 
Whare  joye  &  blysse  was  wonte  [to  bee ;] 
ffare  wele,  Thomas,  j  wende  m[y  waye] 
I  may  no  langer  stand  w[ith  the.] '    338 
'  Now  lufly  lady  gud  [and  gay] 
Telle  me  }itt  of  some  ferly  ! '    [leaf  151,  back] 
*  Whatkyns  ferlys,  Thomas  gude, 
Sold  j  f  e  telle,  and  thi  wiHs  bee  ? '     342 
'  Telle  me  of  this  gentiH  blode, 
Wha  satf  thrife,  and  wha  sail  thee  : 
Wha  saH  be  kynge,  wha  sail  be  none, 
And  wha  saH  welde  this  northe  couwtre  ? 
Wha  saH  flee,  &  wha  saH  be  tane,      347 
And  whare  thir  bateHs  donne  saH  bee  1 ' 
'  Thomas,  of  a  BateHe  j  satt  f  e  teHe, 
J)at  saH  be  done  righte  sone  at  wiHe : 
Beryns  saH  mete  bothe  fers  &  fette,  351 
And  freschely  fighte  at  Eldone  hiHe. 
The  Bretons  blode  saH  vndir  fete, 
)?e  Bruyse  blode  saH  wyne  f  e  spraye ; 
Sex  thowsande  ynglysche,  wele  f  ou  wete, 
SaH  there  be  slayne,  fat  jlk  daye.      356 
ffare  wele,  Thomas,  j  wende  my  waye ; 
To  stande  with  the,  me  thynk  fuH  jrke. 
Of  a  bateft  j  wiH  the  saye, 
Jpat  satt  be  done  at  fawkirke  :  360 

THORNTON 


all  shall  fade  &  fall  awaye, 
no  farly  then  if  fat  fruyt  dye  ! 
and  mykell  bale  shall  after  spraye,  [if  e,  bio 
wheare  that  blis  was  wont  to  be.        336 
farewell,  thomas,  I  wend  my  waye  j 
I  maye  no  lenger  stande  with  the.' 
1  Lovly  Lady,  good  &  gaye, 
tell  me  yet  of  somme  farle  ! '  340 

'  what  kyns  farly,  thomas  good, 
shuld  I  the  tell,  if  thi  will  be  V 
6  tell,  of  the  gentle  blud 
who  shall  vnthrive,  &  who  shall  the ;  344 
who  shalbe  kynge,  who  shalbe  none, 
who  shall  weld  f  e  northe  centre  1 
who  shall  fie,  who  shalbe  tane, 
&  wheare  f  e  battell3  done  shalbe  V  348 
'  of  a  battelle  I  wiU  the  telle, 
that  shalbe  done  sonne  at  will : 
birdes  shall  mete,  both  fresshe  &  fell, 
&  fyersly  fight  at  eldon  hill.  352 

the  brusse  blud  shall  vnder  gonge, 
the  bretens  shall  wynrce  all  f  e  praye ; 
thre  thowsand  scottes,  on  f  e  grownde, 
shalbe  slayne  that  ilk  daye.  356 

farewell,  thomas,  I  wend  my  waye ; 
to  stand  with  the  me  thynk  it  irk. 
of  a  battell  I  will  the  saye, 
that  shalbe  done  at  fowse  kyrk ;         350 
SLOANE 


COTTON 


[Farew]ele  thomas  I  wende  my  waye  •  I  may  no  langer  s 
[Lonely  lady]  gentyl  &  gay  •  a  bide  &  tele  me  so  340 

(  [2  lines  lost  at  top  of  page]  [leaf  242] 


11]  weld  f e  north  cun 


FYTTE  II.] 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FALKIRK. 


21 


1T f  "What  kynne,  Thomas,  ferly  gode, 
wold  ye  fayri)  wete  of  me  ? ' 
'  Lady,  of  this  gentyll  blode 
who  shall  J>ryue,  and  who  shall  J>e ;  344 
who  shalbe  kyng,  and  who  shall  be  none, 
And  where  any  battell  done  shall  be, 
who  shall  be  slaye,  who  shalbe  Tane, 
And  who  shall  wyne  the  north  Centre  ? ' 

1F  <  Of  A  batell  I  shall  the  tell,      349 
that  shalbe  done  sone  at  wyll : 
Barons  shall  mete,  boith  fers  and  fell, 
And  freslye  fygfrt  at  helydowne  hyll.  352 


Fare  wele,  Thomas,  I  wende  my  way, 
To  stande  here  me  thinke  it  yrke ; 
But  of  A  batell  I  shall  the  say 
that  shalbe  don)  at  faw  Chirch.          360 

LANSDOWNE 


Alle  shalle  falle,  &  dwyn  away ; 

No  wondwr  £03  J>e  rote  dy. 

And  mekiH  bale  shal  aftur  spray, 

\er  ioy  and  blisse  were  wont  to  be.    336 

ffare  wel,  thomas,  I  wende  my  way ; 

I  may  no  lengwr  stand  )>e  by.' 

<  lufly  lady,  gude  and  gay, 

telle  me  jet  of  som  ferly  ! '  340 

'  What  kyns  ferly,  thomas  gode, 

Shuld  I  tel  Je,  if  Jjiwilbe?' 

*  telle  me  of  Jus  gentil  blode, 

Who  shal  thrife,  and  who  shal  the ;  344 

Who  shal  be  kyng,  who  shall  be  non, 

And  who  shal  weld  Jje  north  cuntre ; 

Who  shall  fle,  &  who  shal  be  tane, 

And  wher  ]>es  batelis  don  shal  be  ] '  348 

1  Off  a  batelle  I  will  j>e  teU, 

J0at  shall  come  sone  at  will :   pieaf  124, back] 

1  Barons  shall  mete,  both  fre  and  feH, 

And  fresshely  fejt  at  ledyn  hill.         352 

the  brucys  blode  shalle  vndwr  faH, 

the  bretens  blode  shaH  wyn  Jje  spray ; 

C.  thowsand  men  \er  shal  be  slayn,  355 

Off  scottysshe  men  £at  nyght  and  day. 

ffare  wel,  thomas,  I  wende  my  way ; 

To  stande  with  the,  me  thynk  full  yrke  ! 

Off  J)e  next  bat[elle]  I  will  fe  say, 

fat  shall  be  at  fawkyrke :  360 

CAMBEIDGE 


COTTON 

e]  wher  ]?es  batels  don  sal  b[e]  348 

J)*  sal  be  done  ful  son  at  wyll 

r]yke  &  feU  •  &  freshly  fyjt  at  halyndon  hiU  352 

e]nde  my  way  •  to  stonde  witJi  ]>e  me  thynk  ful  yrke 
sail]  ye  say  •  J?«t  sal  be  don  at  fawkyrke  360 


22      HER   GREYHOUNDS   ARE   IMPATIENT,    AND   SHE   AGAIN   WISHES   TO   GO.      [FYTTE   II. 


Baners  saH  stande,  bothe  lang  &  lange ; 
Trowe  this  wele,  with  mode  &  mayne ; 
The  bruysse  blode  satt  vndir  gane,    363 
Seuene   thowsande   scottis   \er   saft   be 

slayne. 

ffare  wele,  Thomas,  j  pray  J>e  sesse ; 
No  lengare  here  J?ou  tarye  mee ;         366 
My  grewehundis,  j>ay  breke  J?aire  lesse, 
And  my  raches  Jjaire  copiHs  in  three. 
Loo  !  whare  J?e  dere,  by  twa  and  twa, 
Haldis  ouer  ^one  Montane  heghe.'      370 
Thomas  said,  '  god  schilde  ]wu  gaa  ! 


baner}  shall  stand,  longe  &  longe ; 
trowe  Jjou  well,  •with  mode  &  mayne ; 
the  brusse  blod  shall  vnder  gonge,  [leaf  7] 
v.  thowsand  scottes  shalbe  slayne.      364 

farewell,  thomas,  I  praye  the  cease ; 
no  lenger  heare  )>0u  tary  me ; 
my  greyhowndes  breaken  the  flesshe, 
&  my  ratchettes  their  coupulles  in  thre. 
loke  ho  we  fe  deare,  by  ij  &  ij,  369 

rvom  ouer  yonder  mountain  high  1 ' 
thomas  said,  '  god  shild  thowe  goo  ! 


Bot  teHe  me  jitt  of  some  ferly.'         372    but  tell  me  yet  of  some  farly.'  372 


['  Of  a]  bateUe,  j  sail  the  saye,  377 

[That  saH]  gare  ladyse  morne  in  mode ; 
[     .     ,     .     .     ]e,  bothe  wat^r  &  claye 
Satt  be  mengyde  ^riih  mannes  blode :  [001.20 
Stedis  satt  stombiH  with  tresoune,     381 
Bothe  Baye  &  broune,  grysselle  and  graye ; 
GentiH  knyghtis  saH  stombiH  downe, 
Thorowe  ]>e  takynge  of  a  wykkide  waye. 
])Q  Bretons  blode  saH  vndir  faHe ;      385 
The  Bryusse  blode  saH  wyne  f  e  spraye ; 

THORNTON 


t  of  a  battell  I  will  the  saye, 
that  shall  garr  ladies  to  morne  in  mode  : 
at  bannokbwrne,  bothe  water  &  claye, 
it  shalbe  mynged  with  red  blud.         380 
steades  shall  stvmbull  with  treason, 
with  blak  &  browne,  grysell  &  graye ; 
&  ientill  knightes  shall  tvmbull  downe, 
thurghe  takinge  of  a  wicked  waye.     384 
fe  bretens  blud  shall  vnder  fall, 
the  brusse  shall  wywne  all  the  praye ; 
SLOANE 


COTTON 

sal  stonde  both  large  &  lange  *  trowe  Jwu  wel  .t.  ws'tft  mode  &  mayn 
blode  sal  vndir  gange  •  vj  thowsand  of  ynglych  j?er  sal  be  sla[yn]  364 
le  .t.  for  now  I  go  *  I  may  no  langer  stande  with  J?e 
hondes  breke  J>air  leches  in  two  •  my  raches  shere  hyr  copies  in  thre  368 
jone  dere  by  two  &  two  *  holdes  ouyr  3one  lange  le 


FYTTE    II.]     ENTREATED    TO   STAY,    SHE   PREDICTS    THE   BATTLE    OF    BANNOCKBURN.     23 


IF  Baners  shall  stande  there  A  longe, 
Trowe  jje  wele,  vrOh-  Mode  and  Mayne ; 
the  bratones  blode  shall  vndere  gange, 
1A    thowsand    englysche    there    shalbe 

slayne.  [i  leaf  as,  back] 

fare  wele,  Thomas,  I  pray  J>ou  sese,   365 
I  May  no  langere  dwele  with  the ; 
My  greyhondes  brekyng  here  leyse, 
And  my  Eaches  here  Cowples  a  thre.  368 

*fT  Lo,  where  the  dere,  by  two  and  ij, 
holdes  owere  yone  Montayn)  hye  ! ' 
*  God  forbeide  ! '  saide  Thomas,  '  J>ou  fro 

me  go, 
Or  More  of  the  warres  J>ou  tell  me.'  372 


'  Of  a  batale  I  shall  the  say, 
that  shall  Make  ladies  morne  in  Mode : 
Bankes  bowrne,  wattere  and  clay,       379 
Shall  be  Mengyd  witJi  Mannis  blode ; 

IT  Stedes  shall  snapre  throwghttresouw, 
Bothe  bay  and  browne,  bresyll  and  gray; 
Gentyll  Knyghtes  shall  tumbell  downe, 
thrwgh  takyn)  of  A  wrong  way.          384 
Bretons  blode  shall  vndere  fall, 
the  Ebruys  there  shall  wyne  the  pray ; 

LANSDOWNE 


pe  bretans  blode  shalle  vndwr  fall, 
J?e  brucys  blode  shalle  wyn  J>e  spray ; 
vij   thousynd   Englisshe   men,  grete   & 

smalle, 

ther  shalbe  slayne,  [J?at]  nyght  and  day. 
ffare  wel,  [tho]mas,  [I]  pray  ]?e  sees ;  365 
No  lengwr  here  J)0u  tary  me ; 
lo  wher  my  grayhounds  breke  \er  leesshe ; 
My  raches  breke  ]?eir  coupuls  in  thre.  368 
lo,  qwer  J?e  dere  goos  be  too  &  too, 
And  holdis  ouer  ^onde  mownten  hye  ! ' 
Thomas  seid,  '  god  [schilde  thou]  goo, 

But  tell  me  ^et  of  sum  ferly  !  372 

holde  Jn  greyhounds  in  fi  h[onde,] 
And  coupiH  ])i  raches  to  a  [tre ;]  [2  leaf  1253 
2  And  lat  }>e  dere  reyke  ouer  ])e  londe ; 
ther  is  a  herde  in  holtely.1  376 

'  Off  a  bateU  I  wil  jje  say, 
]?at  shalle  gar  ladys  niourne  in  mode : 
At  barnokys  barne  is  watwr  &  clay,  379 
J?at  shal  be  myngyd  w^t&  mannys  blode. 
And  stedys  shalle  sturabutt  for  treson, 
bothe  bay  and  brown,  grisell  &  gray ; 
And  gentil  kny^s  shalle  tombuii:  down, 
thoro  tokyn  of  pat  wyckud  way.        384 
the  Bretans  blode  shalle  vndwr  faH, 
the  brutys  blode  shalle  [wyn]  J?e  spray ; 

CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

say  lady  gode  shelde  $e  go  *  abyde  &  tel  me  som  ferle  372 

attel  I  can  J>e  say  •  Sal  gar  ladies  morn  in  mode 
kes  borne  both  water  &  clay  •  It  sal  be  mengyd  -with  rede  blode     380 
[Stedes]  sal  stumbyl  thrugh  tresoun)  •  both  bay  &  brouri)  gresel  &  gray 

1  knyghtes  sal  tuwzbyl  doun)  •  for  takyng  of  a  wylsom  way       384 


24 


THE   DEATH    OF   BRUCE,    AND    USURPATION    OF   ED\?ARD    BALIOL.     [FYTTE   II. 


Sex  thowsand  ynglysche,  grete  &  smalee, 
SaH  there  be  slane,  fat  jlk  a  daye.     388 
Than  saH  scottland  kyngles  stande ; 
Trow  it  wele,  fat  j  the  saye  ! 
A  tercelet,  of  the  same  lande, 
To  bretane  SaH  take  f  e  Eedy  waye,   392 
And  take  tercelettw  grete  and  graye, 
"With  hym  owte  of  his  awene  contree ; 
Thay  sail  wende  on  an  ryche  arraye, 
And  come  agayne  by  land  and  see.    396 
He  saH  stroye  the  northe  contree, 
Mare  and  lesse  hym  by-forne ; 
Ladyse  satt  saye,  alias  !  &  walowaye  ! 
)?at  euer  fat  Eoyalle  blode  was  borne. 
He  saH  ryse  vpe  at  kynke  home,        401 
And  tye  f  e  chippis  vn-to  f  e  sande. 
At  dipplynge  more,  appone  f  e  Morne, 
Lordis  wiH  thynke  fuH  lange  to  stande ; 
By-twix  depplynge  and  the  dales,      405 
The  watir  fat  rynnes  one  rede  claye — 
There  saH  be  slayne,  for  sothe,  Thomas, 
Eleuene  thowsandez  scottis,  fat  nyghte 

&  daye. 

Thay  saH  take  a  townne  of  grete  renownwe, 
]3at  standis  nere  the  water  of  Taye ;  410 
))e  ffadir  &  f  e  sone  saH  be  doiigene  downe, 
And  with  strakis  strange  be  slayne  a-waye. 

THORNTON 


vj  thowsand  Englishe,  greate  &  small, 

shalbe  slayne  fat  ilk  daye.  388 

then  shall  Scotland  stande ; 

trowe  thowe  well,  as  I  the  saye  ! 

a  tarslet  of  the  same  land 

to  breten  shall  wynde  f  e  redy  waye ;  392 

&  take  tarslettes,  greate  &  gaye, 

"with  him,  owte  of  his  awne  contre ; 

ther  shall  winde  in  riche  araye,  [leaf  7,  back] 

&  comme  againe  by  land  &  seye.       396 

he  shall  stroye  f  e  northe  contre, 

moare  &  les  him  before ; 

lades,  welawaye  !  shall  crye, 

fat  euer  f  e  baly  of  blud  was  borne.   400 

he  shall  ryse  vp  at  kynkborne, 

&  slaye  lordes  vpon  the  sand ; 

to  foplynge  moore,  vpon  f  e  morne, 

lordes  will  think  full  longe  to  stand.  404 

betwin  f  e  depplinge  &  f  e  dasse — 

f  e  water  f  er  reraiynge  on  f  e  red  claye — 

f  er  shalbe  slayne,  forsothe,  thomas,  407 

xi  thowsand  scottes,  fat  night  &  daye. 

they  shall  take  a  towne  of  greate  renowne, 
that  standethe  neare  f  e  water  of  taye ; 
the  father  &  f  e  soraie  shalbe  donge  downe, 
vrith  strokes  stronge  be  slaine  awaye.  412 
SLOANE 


COTTON 

w  on  al  fat  day  •  both  by  hynde  &  als  be  fore 

s]al  syng  welaway  •  fat  euyr  f  e  balyolues  blod  was  bore 
nge  kyngles  be  •  trowe  f  ou  wele  thomas  as  I  f  e  say 

1  take  fly3t  &  fle  •  to  bruces  lande  f  e  redy  way 
seletes  gret  &  gray  •  with  hym  of  hys  awn  contre 
n  ryche  aray  •  bothe  by  lande  &  eke  by  see 


398* 
400* 

392 
396 


FYTTB    II.] 


THE   BATTLE    OF    DUPLIN    AND    SEIZURE   OF    PERTH. 


25 


vij  thousand  ynglis,  grete  and  smalle, 
In  a  day  there  shalbe  slay.  388 

IT  then  shall  Scotland  kyngles  be, 
Trou  }>ou  well,  that  I  the  say  ! 
A  tarslet  shall  take  his  flyght,  &  fle 
To  bretons  lande  the  Eedy  wey  j        392 
And  take  tarslettes  grete  and  gray, 
With  hym,  oute  of  his  lond ; 
he  shall  wende  in  A  Eyche  Aray,      395 
And  come  agayne  by  seye  and  londe. 

IF  He  shall  stroye  the  north  Centre, 
More  and  les  hym  be-forne ; 
Ladyes  shall  say  '  waleway  ! 
that  euer  in  Scotland  war  we  borne.'  400 
He  shall  Eyn  vt  at  kynges  horne, 
And  sley  lordis  on  the  sonde ;         [leaf  29] 
At  deplyng  More  vppon  the  Morowe, 
Lordes  shall  thynke  there  long  stonde.  404 

IT  By  twyx  duplyng  and  the  gray  ston, 
the  water  that  Eynnes  gray, 
there  shalbe  slayne  v  thousand  englismen, 
that  nyght  and  that  day.  408 

And  yet  they  shall  take  A  walled  Towne ; 
the  fader  and  the  sone  be  slayn  away ; 
A  knyght  shall  wyn  the  warisoura, 
w^'t7i  dynt  of  swerd  for  ones  and  ay.  412 

LANSDOWNE 


viij  thousand  englissemen,  grete  &  small, 
ther  shal  be  slayn,  J>at  nyght  &  day. 


CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

[397—400,  see  above] 

vp  at  kynche  horn  •         fele  lordes  vp  on  j?e  sande 
m]ore  vp  on  J>e  morn  •  lordes  sal  thynke  ful  lang  to  stand    404 
ge]  &  a  dale  •  J?at  water  of  Erne  J?at  rynnes  gray 
v?{]th  myche  bale  •  x  thowsand  scottes  a  ny^t  &  a  day  408 
wallyd  toune  •  standynge  ful  nere  J)e  water  of  tay 


26 


CORONATION   OP   DAVID   BRUCE,    AND   HIS    INVASION    OP   ENGLAND.    [pYTTE   II. 


"Whene  ]>ayhafe  wowne  J>at  wallede  towne, 

[i  leaf  152] 

And  ylke  mane  hase  cheuede  )>ayre  chance, 
xThan  saH  thir  bretons  make  j>ame  bowne, 
And  fare  forthe  to  jje  werre  of  fraunce. 
Than  sari:  Scotland  kyng-lesse  stande, 
And  be  lefte,  Thomas,  als  j  the  saye ; 
Than  saH  a  kyng  be  chosene,  so  ^ynge, 
That  kane  no  lawes  lede  par  faye  :    420 
Dauid,  with  care  he  saH  be-gynne, 
And  with  care  he  saH:  wende  awaye. 
Lordis  &  ladyse,  more  and  Myne,      423 
SaH  come  appone  a  riche  araye, 
And  crowne  hym  at  the  towne  of  skyme, 
Appone  an  certane  solempe  daye.       426 
Beryns  balde,  bothe  3onge  and  aide, 
SaH  tiH  hym  drawe  wft/i-owttyne  naye ; 
Enyne  he  saft  to  ynglande  ryde, 
Este  and  weste  als  lygges  the  waye.  430 


Be-twixe  a  parke  and  an  abbaye, 
A  palesse  and  a  paresche  kyrke, 
Thare  saH  $our  kynge  faiH  of  his  praye, 
And  of  his  lyfe  be  wondir  jrke.          436 
He  sari  be  tane,  so  wondir  sare, 
So  J>at  a- waye  he  saH  noghte  flee ; 

THORNTON 


•when  ]?ei  haue  wonne  ]>e  walled  towne, 

&  euery  man  chosen  his  chaunce, 

J?e  bretens  they  shall  make  J?era  bowne, 

&  forthe  to  )>e  warres  of  Fraunce.       416 

Jjen  shall  Scotland  without  kinge  stand ; 

beleve,  thomas,  as  I  the  saye  ! 

thei  shall  chuse  a  kinge  full  yonge. 

J?at  can  no  lawes  leade,  parfaye  j       420 


&  crowned  at  fe  towne  of  scone, 
on  a  serteine  solemne  daye.  [leafsj 

birdes  bolde,  bothe  olde  &  yonge, 
shall  to  him  drawe  without  naye  \     428 
into  England  shall  thei  ride, 
easte,  weste,  as  ligges  the  waye, 
&  take  a  towne  with  greate  pn'de, 
&  let  J>e  menw  be  slaine  awaye.          432 
betwixt  a  parke  &  an  abbaye, 
a  pales  &  a  parishe  kirk, 
there  shall  jour  kinge  faile  of  his  praye, 
&  of  his  lyfe  be  full  irk.  436 

he  shalbe  taggud  wunder  sare, 
so  ]?at  awaye  he  maye  not  fle ; 
SLOANE 


COTTON 

yn  a  doun  •  with  sore  dyntes  be  kylled  a  way        412 
n]ge  jjat  is  ful  $ynge  •  he  kan  no  lawes  lede  pa/fay 
he  sal  be  gyn  •  w?^  sorowe  sal  he  wende  a  way  420 

ppes  both  more  &  myn  •  al  sal  gedir  to  \er  a  ray 

m]at  Y  toun)  of  scoyne  •  vp  on  J?e  tn'nyte  Sonday          424 
both  3onge  &  aide  •  sail  fal  to  hym  with  owtyn  nay  428 


FYTTE   II.  J 


DAVID   BRUCE   TAKEN   AT   NEVILI/S   CROSS,    NEAR   DURHAM. 


27 


1F  Whan  they  haue  take  that  wallyd 

towne, 

And  euery  man  has  chosyn  his  chans, 
the  bretons  blode  shall  make  hym  bone 
And  fare  to  the  wanes  of  fraunce.      416 
And  then  shall  scottland  be  withoute  kyng, 
Trowe  the  wele  that  I  the  sey ! 
they  shall  chese  a  kyng  full  yonge, 
that  can  not  lede  no  laweys,  perfay.  420 

1F  Dauid,  without^  care  he  shall  begyne, 
And  withoute  care  he  shall  wend  away ; 
Bysshoppes  and  lordes,  More  and  myne, 
Shall  come  to  hym  in  Eyche  A  Raye, 
And  Crowne  hym  at  A  Towne  of  Scone, 
Forsothe  vpoii  A  Setterday.  426 

Bornes  blode  shall  wend  to  Rome, 
To  get  lyve  of  the  pope  yf  they  may.  428 


1F  By  twyxte  a  parke  and  ane  Abbey, 
A  palys  and  A  perishe  church, 
there  shall  that  kyng  fayll  at  his  pray, 
And  of  his  lyfe  he  shall  be  full  yrke. 
He  shall  be  togged,  the  wonde  sore,  437 
that  Away  he  maynot  fle ; 

LANSDOWNE 


pen  shalle  Scotland  kyngles  be  sen ; 
trow  pis  wel,  pat  I  pe  say ! 
And  thei  shalle  chese  a  kyng  ful  $ong, 
pat  can  no  lawes  lede,  parfay :  420 

Robert,  with  care  he  shal  be  gynne, 
And  also  he  shaH  wynde  awey.          422 


lordys  and  ladys,  bothe  olde  &  yongg, 
shalle  draw  to  hym  with  outyn  nay ;  428 
And  they  with  pryde  to  Englond  ryde, 
Est  and  west  pat  liggys  his  way ; 
And  take  a  tource  of  mycul  pryde, 

And  sle  [ ]  kny^tes  veray.     432 

Betwene  a  parke  &  an  abbay,  [leaf  125,  back] 
A  palys  and  a  parissh  kyrke, 
ther  shalle  pe  kyng  mys  of  his  way, 
[And]  of  his  life  be  fuH  yrke.  436 

He  shal  be  teyrydC?)  ful  wondwr  sore, 
So  a  way  he  may  not  fle ; 

CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

sal  he  holde  •  And  bryn  &  sla  al  in  hys  way       extra 
sal  he  ryde  •  par  sal  he  J>at  ilke  day 
fat  wondes  wyde  •  pat  werne  ful  bolde  in  hyr  aray  432 

ke  &  an  abbay  •  a  paleys  &  a  paryshe  kyrke 
a]yle  of  hys  pray  •  &  of  hys  lyfe  he  sal  be  yrke        436 
ke  in  ....  e  ful  sare  *  so  pat  a  way  he  may  not  fle 


28 


DAVID    BRUCE    A    PEISONER    IN    LONDON. 


[FYTTE  n. 


Hys  nebbe  saH  rynrce,  or  he  thethyne  fare, 
}5e  rede  blode  tryklelandevn-to  his  kn[ee]. 
He  saH  fan  be,  with  a  false  f  .  .  441 
Be-trayede  of  his  awene  .  .  .  . 

And  whef  er  it  torne 

He  satt  byde 444 

Jpat  rau 

Tho    , 


[5  lines  lost  at  foot  of  page  in  MS.~\ 


In  fe  northe  to  do  owttraye.    [coi.2]   452 
And  whene  he  es  mane  nioste  of  Mayne, 
And  hopis  beste  fane  for  to  spede, 
On  a  ley  lande  saH  he  be  slayne, 
Be-syde  a  waye  for-owttyne  drede.     456 
Sythene  saH:  selle  Scotland,  par  ma  faye, 
ffulle  and  fere,  futt  many  ane, 
ffor  to  make  a  certane  paye ;  459 

Bot  ende  of  it  saH  neuer  come  nane. 
And  fane  saH  Scotland  kyngles  stande ; 
Trowe  this  wele,  fat  j  telle  the  ! 
Thre  tercelettis  of  f  e  same  lande        463 

THORNTON 


his  nebbe  shall  or  he  thens  fare, 

of  red  blud,  tn'kell  to  J>e  kne.  440 

he  shall,  -with  a  false  fode, 

[No  break  in  the  MS.] 
whither  it  twrne  to  ivell  or  goode ; 
&  he  shall  bide  in  a  ravens  hand.      444 
the  ravin  shall  f  e  Goshawke  wywne, 
if  his  fethers  be  neuer  so  black ; 
&  leide  him  strayte  to  London,  447 

f  er  shall  jour  fawcone  fynde  his  make. 
f  e  ravin  shall  his  fethers  shake, 
&  take  tarslettes  gaye  &  greate, 
with  him,  owte  of  his  awne  centre;  PjJ«J- 
&  f  e  kinge  shall  him  Mr  make, 
in  fe  northe  to  do  owtraye.  452 

when  he  is  man  of  moste  niayne,  [ifs,  bk] 
&  hopes  beste  for  to  spede, 
on  a  leye  land  he  shalbe  slayne, 
beside  a  waye  w^'tAout  drede.  456 

then  shall  they  sell  in  Scotland,  parfaye, 
fowles  &  fee  full  many  one, 
for  to  make  a  sertein  paye ; 
but  end  ]>er  of  commethe  neuer  none.  460 
fen  shall  Scotland  kingles  stand ; 
trowe  fou  well,  as  I  the  saye  ! 
iij  tarslettes,  of  that  same  land, 

SLOANE 


COTTON 

1  ren  with  myche  care  •  of  rede  blode  douri)  to  hy[s  kne]  440 
a  fals  fode  •  betrayed  of  hys  awn)  lande 
rn)  to  euyl  or  gode  •  be  sesyd  in  to  a  rauyn[es  hande]        444 
.  .  goshauke  wyn  •  be  hyr  fethyrs  neuyr  so  [blake] 
reght  to  london  with  hym  •  \er  sal  jour  foule  [fynd  his  make]  448 
hyr  fethyrs  folde  •  &  take  J?e  tarsletes  [grete  &  gay] 


FYTTE    II.]  DAVID    BRUCE   RANSOMED   WITH    "A   CERTANE   PAYE.' 


1  His  nose  shall  Rynwe,  or  lie  theflse  go, 
the  blode  shall  trykle  downe  to  his  kne. 

IF  He  shall,  throwght  a  fals  fode,  441 
Be  betrayde  of  his  owne  lond;  cneaf29,bk] 
Wherere  it  turne  to  ewyll  or  good, 
He  shall  Abide  a  Rauenes  honde.      444 
the  Rauyne  shall  the  goshawke  woym, 
thowght  his  fedres  be  neuer  so  blake ; 
And  lede  hym  to  London  Towne,      447 
there  shall  the  goshawke  fynd  his  Make. 

IT  J>e  Rawyn  shall  his  fedres  shake, 
And  take  tasletis  grete  and  gay ; 

the  kyng  shall  hym  Maister  Make, 

In  the  north  for  to  do  outray.  452 

And  whan  he  is  most  in  his  mayil, 

And  best  wenes  for  to  spede, 

On  a  ley  londe  he  shall  be  slayn, 

By  side  awey  without  dred.  456 

IF  And  than  most  Scotland,  parfay, 
By  se  &  land,  mony  one, 
For  Dauid  make  certayn  pay ;  459 

But  end  of  hym  commytS  neuer  none, 
then  most  Scotland  kyngles  stond ; 
Trowe  the  wele,  J?at  I  say  the  ! 
'  A  taslet  of  A  nother  land.  463 

LANSDOWNE 


his  neb  shaft  rise  or  he  then  fare, 

the  red  blode  triklond  to  his  knee.    440 


CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

hym  maystyr  bold  •  In  )>e  north  [sal  he  do  owtray]       452 

p  2  lines  lost  at  top  of  page .]  [leaf  242,  back] 

.  en  of  dauy[d  459  .  — 

sail  ryde  &  go  hyr  wa[y  1 

J>an  sal  scotlande  kyngles  461  .  — 

thre  lordes  of  J?at  same  londe  463  .  — 


30       ROBERT  STEWART  KING  OF  SCOTLAND  ;   THE  BATTLE  OF  OTTERBOURNE.       [FYTTE  II, 

464 


Satt  stryfe  to  bygg  &  browke  fe  tree. 
He  sail  bygg  &  browke  the  tree, 
That  hase  no  flyghte  to  fl  ey  a-waye ; 


to  breten  fen  shall  wend  f  er  waye. 
he  shall  bigge  &  breake  f  e  tre, 
f  at  hathe  no  flight  to  fle  away, 


466 


Thay  sal!  with  pryde  to  y[n]gland  ryde,  }ai  shall,  with  pride,  to  england  fre, 

Este  &  weste  als  lygges  f  e  waye.       472  easte  &  weste  as  lygges  f  e  waye.        472 

Haly  kyrke  bese  sett  be-syde,  holy  kirk  be  sett  beside, 

Relygyous  byrnede  on  a  fyre ;  &  religious  men  bwme  in  fyre ; 

Sythene  saft  fay  to  a  castelle  gl[yde],  thei  shall  to  a  castell  glide, 

And  schewe  fame  fare  with     .     .     476  &  shewe  fern  there  with  mykell  ire.  476 

By-syde  a  wyH betwixt  a  well  &  a  weare, 

A  wh[yt a  withwell  &  a  slyke  stone, 

.     .     .     . f  er  shall  ij  chef  tens  mete  in  fere, 

the  on  shall  doughtles  be  slayne.       480 

.  the  brusse  bind  shall  with  him  fle, 

•  .     .     .     . 483  &  leade  him  to  a  worthi  towne ; 

[10  lines  lost  at  foot  of  page  in  MS.~\  and  close  him  in  a  castell  lyght,      [leaf  &] 

theare  to  be  with  greate  renowme.    ^^' 

. Farewell,  I  wend  my  waye ; 

.  me  behoves  ouer  yonder  bent  so  browne/ 

^     .....  here  endethe  J?e  ijd  fytt,  I  saye, 

•  .     .     . of  sir  thomas  of  Arseldon.                 488 

THORNTON  SLOANE 


COTTON 

fat  hath  no  fly^t  to  fle  a  way  •  In  to  [yng 

&  bryn  &  sla  day  by  day  *  To  a  towre  fan 

And  hald  fer  in  myche  ire  •  holychyrche  is  set 

relegious  fai  bryn  hyin  in  a  fyre 

bytwys  a  wethy  &  a  water  •  a  well  &  a  haly  stane 


466 .  471 

472 . 475 

476 . 473 

474 


FYTTE   II.] 


DOUGLAS   SLAIN,    AND   HOTSPUR   TAKEN   PRISONER. 


31 


Shall  fryue  &  bygge,  &  browke  }?at  tre. 

IT  He  shall  bygge,  and  broke  ]>at  tre 
He  toke  his  flygh,  &  flye  A  wey ; 
Eobert  steward  kyng  shalbe  467 

of  Scotland,  and  Eegne  mony  A  day. 
1 A  cheuantey  ne  then  shall  ryse  with  pride, 
of  all  Scotland  shall  here  the  floure  ; 
he  shall  into  Englonde  Eide,         [Ueafso] 
And  make  men  haue  full  sharpe  schoure. 

IT  holy  chirche  to  set  on  syde,        473 
And  religyons  to  bren  on  fyre ; 
he  shall  to  the  new  castell  Eyde, 
And  shew  hym  there  with  grete  Ire.  476 
By  twyx  A  wey  of  water, 
A  well,  &  A  grey  stone, 
there  cheuanteynes  shall  mete  on  fere, 
And  that  o  dowghty  ther  shall  be  slayne. 

IF  that  other  cheuanteyne  shall  there 

be  tayne,  481 

And  proude  blode  withe  hyme  shall  fle, 

And  lede  hyme  tyll  A  worthe  Towne, 

And  close  hym  vp  in  A  castell  hye.  484 


be  twene  A  wycked  way  &  A  watwr,  477 
A  parke  and  A  stony  way  then ; 
ther  shal  a  cheften  mete  \n  fere, 
A  ful  dutey  \er  shal  be  slayn.  480 

the  todwr  chef  tan  shal  be  tane, 

A  pesans  of  blode  hyme  shal  slee ; 

And  lede  hym  a[w]ay  in  won, 

And  cloyse  hym  in  a  casteH  hee.       484 


Fare  wele,  Thomas,  I  wend  my  wey ;          flare  wel,  thomas,  I  wende  my  way ; 


Me  bus  ouer  your  brutes  brome.' 
.     here  is  a  fote ;  anoj?er  to  sey, 
of  Thomas  of  Assilldone. 

LANSDOWNE 


488 


flbr  I  must  ouer  $ond  .  .  bentw  brown.' 

here  ar  twoo  fjttis ;  on  is  to  say, 

Off  Thomas  of  Erseldown.  488 

CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

$er  sal  two  chyftans  met  in  fere  •  pe  doglas  fer  sail  be  s[l  480 

A  tarslet  sal  in  halde  be  tane  •  chyftans  a  way  with  hym 

&  lede  hym  to  an  hold  of  stane  •  &  close  hym  in  a  castel  [h  484 

Whar  wele  thomas  I  wend  my  way  •  me  most  ouyr  3one  be 

anoper  fyt  more  is  to  say  •  of  Jje  prophecy  of  arseldoun  488 


32 


THOMAS   AGAIN    DETAINS    THE   LADY    TO    TELL   HIM   MORE   FERLY.    [JFYTTE    III. 


1< 


N' 


[FYTT  THE  THIRD.] 

[i  leaf  152,  back] 

owe,  lufly  lady,  gente  and  hende, 
TeHe  me,  $if  it  thi  willis  bee, 
Of  thyes  BateHs,  how  fay  schaH 

ende, 
And  whate  schaHe  worthe  of  this  northe 

couwtre?'  492 

« This  worlde,  Thomas,  sothely  to  tette, 
Es  noghte  hot  wandrethe  &  woghe  ! 
Of  a  bateHe  j  witt  the  teHe,  495 

That  schattbe  donrce  at  spynkarde  cloughe : 
The  bretons  blode  schaHe  vndir  faHe, 
The  bruyse  blode.  schaHe  wyne  f  e  spraye; 
Sex  thowsande  ynglysche,  grete  &  smaHe, 
SaHe  thare  be  slayne  fat  nyghte  &  daye. 
The  rerewarde  satt  noghte  weite,  parfaye, 
Of  that  jlke  dulfuHe  dede ;  502 

Thay  saH  make  a  grete  jowrnaye, 
Dayes  tene  wz^-owttyne  drede. 
And  of  a  bateHe  j  wiH  f  e  teHe,     .     505 
That  saH  be  donwe  now  sone  at  wiH  : 
Beryns  satt  mete,  bothe  ferse  &  feHe, 
And  freschely  fyghte  at  pentland  hyH. 
By-twyx  Sembery  &  pentlande,          509 
J)e  hauHe  fat  standis  appone  fe  rede 

claye — 

THORNTON 


[FYTTE  THE  THIKJD.] 


'  thies  wordes,  thomas,  fat  I  saye, 

is  but  wanderyng  &  wough"  • 

of  a  battell  I  shaU  the  tell, 

that  shalbe  done  at  Spenkard  slough :  496 

the  bretens  blud  shall  vnder  fall, 

the  brusse  blud  shall  wywne  J>e  praye ; 

vij  thowsand  englishe,  greate  &  small, 

shalbe  slayne  J>at  ilk  daye.  500 

the  reareward  shall  not  witt,  parfaye, 

of  fat  same  dolfull  dede  ; 

thei  shall  make  a  greate  iomaye, 

dayes  x  w^out  drede.  504 

of  a  battell  I  will  you  tell, 

that  shalbe  done  sonne  at  will : 

barons  shall  mete,  bothe  fyers  &  fell, 

&  fyersly  fight  at  Eldon  hill.  508 

betwin  Edynburgh  &  Pentland, 

at  pe  hall  ]?at  standethe  on  J?e  redd  claye, 

SLOANE 


COTTON 

[FYT  THE  THIRD] 

Far  wel  thomas  I  wewde  my  way  •  me  most  ouyr  ^one  bro  .  . 
sothly  .t.  I  ]?e  say  *  men  sal  haf  rome  ry^t  iiy  faire  dor 
Sothly  .t.  as  I  J?e  say  •  Jjis  world  sal  stond  on  a  wondir  w 
of  a  batel  tel  I  J>e  may  •  fat  sal  be  don  at  spynkar  cl 
J>e  gret  wreth  sal  not  persayuyd  be  *  of  fat  gret  vnk  .  . 


492 
496 


PYTTE   III.]   SHE   PREDICTS   THE   INVASION   OP   SCOTLAND   UNDER  HENRY   IV. 


33 


[FOTE  THE  THIRD.] 

^T  'Fare  wele,  Thomas,  I  wend  my  way; 
I  may  no  longer  duell  with  the.' 
yet,  louely  lady,  goode  and  gey, 

Abyde,  &  tell  me  more  ferele  ! '         492 

'  And  Jms,  thomas,  truly  to  tell, 
hyt  Is  wondrand  &  wow ; 
but  of  a  batyll  I  shall  the  tell, 
that  shall  be  don  at  spincar  clow  :     496 
IT  the  bretonys  blode  there  shall  vnder- 
the  Ebrues  ther  shall  wyn  the  pray;  L*a^> 
v  thousand  yngleffl  there,  gret  &  small, 
In  a  Sunday  mornyng  shall  be  slay.  500 
the  fowarde  shall  not  wit,  parfey, 
Certeyn  of  that  dolfull  dede ; 
they  shall  make  agayne  a  grete  lorney, 
Dayes  x  wzt/^outen  drede.  504 


P  leaf  30,  back]       [lond 

1 1F  Bytwix  Eden  brought  and  the  Pent- 
the  hall  that  stond  on  the  Rede  glay — • 


[FYTTE  THE  THIED.] 


*  nnhomas,  truly  I  fe  say, 

JL    J>e  worlde  is  wonder  wankill ! 
Off  J?e  next  batell  I  wyll  the  say, 
that  shal  be  done  at  spynard  [?]  hift  :  496 
the  bracks  blode  shall  vndwr  fall, 
the  brettens  blode  schall  wyn  [the  spray;] 
xiij  thousand  \er  shal  be  slayne,    [leaf  126] 
Off  scottisshe  men  J>at  nyght  &  day.  500 


Off  the  next  bateU  1  wil  }e  telle, 
fat  shal  be  done  sone  at  wiH : 
Barons  bothe  flesshe  &  feH 
shalle  fresshely  fy^t  at  pentland  hyll.  508 
but  when  pentland  &  edynborow, 
And  J>e  hill  J?at  standt's  on  J?e  red  cley, 


LANSDOWNE 


CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

v.  thowsande  slayn  sal  be  •  of  scottes  men  wiih  outyn 
Fare  wele  .t.  I  wend  my  way  •  I  may  no  langer  stand 
louely  lady  gentyl  &  gay  •  a  byde  &  tel  me  more  f 
Of  a  batel  I  can  f  e  tell  *  J?at  sal  be  done  hastely  at 
bernes  sal  met  both  fryk  &  fel  •  &  freshely  fy$t  at 
by  twys  edynburgh  &  pentlande  •  an  hyl  \er  stand 

ERCILDOUN.  3 


500 
504 
508 


34 


THE   ENGLISH   GO   TO   WAR   IN   FRANCE. 


[PYTTE   III. 


There  schaH  be  slayne  Eleuene  thowsande  there  shalbe  slayne  xij  thowsand, 

[Of  scotjtis  mene,  fat  nyghte  &  daye.  forsothe,  of  scottes,  fat  night  &  daye.  512 

.     .     .     .      a  townee,  of  grete  renowne,  thei  shall  take  a  walled  towne,  E1  leaf  9,  bk] 

e  water  of  Taye       514  *  the  father  &  fe  sonne  bene  slayne  awaye; 

knightes  shall  wynne  f  er  warysone, 

thurghe  dyntof  swerdfor  euer  &aye.  516 

whew  f  ei  haue  wonne  the  wallid  towne, 

i 

and  euery  mawn  chosen  his  chaunce, 

[13  lines  lost  at  foot  of  page  in  MS.]  the  bretens  Jjen  shall  make  them  bowne, 

and  forthe  to  J>e  warres  of  Fraunce.   520 

thei  shalbe  in  fraunce  full 

thomas,  I  saye,  iij  yeares  &  mare ; 

and  dynge   downe   tower},  &   castelles 

to  euery  mawn  in  sonder  fare,     [stronge, 

thera  shall  thei  be  bought  full  stronge, 

betwixt  Seiton  &  fe  seye ; 

the  bretens  shalbe  ]>e  greaves  amonge, 

The  tofer  oste  at  barboke.      [coi.2]     528  the  other  este  at  Barwik  fre.  528 

fforryours  furthe  sail  flee,  [No  break  in  the  MS.] 

On  a  Sonondaye,  by-fore  J?e  messee ;  on  a  Sondaye  before  J?e  masse, 

Seuene  thowsandes  sothely  sail  be  slayne,  v  thowsand  sothely  slayne  shalbe, 

One  aythir  partye,  more  and  lesse.    532  of  brusse  blud,  bothe  moare  &  les.    532 

rTor  Jjer  saH  be  no  baneres  presse,  for  ]pat  daye  shuld  no  baner}  presse, 

Bot  ferre  in  sondir  sail  thay  bee ;  but  farr  in  sonder  shall  thei  be ; 

CarefuH:  saH  be  jje  after  mese,  535  carefull  shalbe  the  enter  messe, 

THORNTON  SLOANE 


COTTON 

Iper  sal  be  slayn  twelf  \ owsande  •  of  Scottes  [m 
fan  sal  J>ai  take  a  wallyd  toun)  •  fadir  &  [s 
kny^tes  of  yngland  wyn  fair  warysoun)  •  th 
whaw  f  ai  haf  tak  f  is  wallyd  toun)  •  &  ich  maw  hath, 
hym  to  hys  chance  *  fan  sal  f e  bretons  make 
&  fare  in  to  f  e  werres  of  fraunce 


512 
516 

520 


FTTTE    III.] 


A   BATTLE    "BETWEEN    SETON    AND   THE   SEA." 


35 


there  shall  be  slayne  vij  m1 
of  scottes  men,  that  nyght  &  day.      512 
And  f  et  they  shall  take  A  walled  Towne 
that  stonde  on  the  water  of  Tay ; 
knyghtes  shall  wyne  the  waryson,     515 
By  dyntes  of  swerde  for  ones  &  Aye. 

IF  And  whan  they  haue  toke  fat  walled 

towne, 

And  eche  man  hathe  take  his  chaunce, 
the  britons  blode  shall  make  hym  boune, 
And  fare  agan)  to  werres  of  fraunce.  520 
then  shall  they  be  in  fraunce  full  longe ; 
Thomas,  iij  yere  &  more ;  [stronge, 

And    dyng    downe    castellis    &    towres 
And  then  shall  euery  man  home  fare.  524 

IT  they  shall  mete,  bof  e  fers  &  stronge, 
By  twyx  Ceton  and  the  see ; 
the  englyshe  shall  ly  in  craggis  amonge, 
That  othere  oste  at  barkle.  528 

A  sore  semble  there  shall  be, 
On  a  sonday  by  fore  the  Masse ; 
v  thousand  shalne1  shall  be,        c1  Psiayne] 
of  bothe  partes  more  &  lesse.  532 

IT  For  there  shall  no  baner  presse, 
Bot  fer  in  sundre  shall  they  be ; 
Carefull  shall  be  there  last  Masse, 

LANSDOWNE 


vij  thousande  shal  be  slayn  fere,       511 
Off  scottisshe  men  fat  nyght  &  day. 


then  shalle  they  met,  bathe  stiff  &  strong, 

Betwene  seton  and  f  e  see ; 

the  englisshe  shalle  lyg  f  e  cragys  among, 

the  tojwr  at  f  e  est  banke  faHef  hye.  528 

the  fflorence  forth  shall  fare, 

Vpon  a  sonday  before  the  masse ; 

v  thousande  fer  shalbe  slayne, 

off  bothe  party es  more  and  lesse.       532 

ffor  fat  fer  shall  no  barrens  presse, 

but  fer  asondwr  shalle  they  be ; 

CarfuH  shalbe  f e  furst  masse, 

CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

f aj  sal  be  in  fraunce  ful  lang  •  sothly  .t.  thre  $er 
&  bet  douri)  tounes  &  castels  strange  •  to  do  owtr 
fan  sal  f ai  mete  both  styf  &  strang  *  by  twys  Seton 
f e  Inglyshe  sal  lyg  f  e  cragges  amang  •  f e  frenshe 
[freres]  fast  a  way  sal  fle  •  On  a  sonday  be  for  f  e 
.  thowsande  slayn  sal  be  *  of  bernes  both  m 
[J>er]  sal  no  man  wyn  fe  pn'se  •  sertenly  f  is  I  tell  f 


524 
528 
532 


36 


A   BATTLE   BETWEEN    SETON    AND   THE   SEA. 


[FYTTE  in. 


By-twixe  Cetone  and  f  e  See. 

Scliippis  saH  stande  appone  f  e  Sande, 
Wayffande  with  f  e  Sees  fame ;  538 

Thre  3ere  and  mare,  fan  saH  fay  stande, 
Or  any  beryne  come  foche  fame  hame. 
Stedis  awaye  Maysterles  sail  flynge, 
Ouer  f  e  Mountans  too  and  fraa ; 
Thaire  sadiHs  one  f  aire  bakkis  saH  hynge, 
Vn-to  fe  garthis  be  rotyiie  in  twaa.   544 
^itt  saft  fay  hewe  one  aHe  f e  daye, 
Vn-to  f  e  son??.e  be  sett  nere  weste ; 
Bot  f er  es  no  wighte  fat  ^itt  wiete  maye, 
Whef  er  of  thayme  saH  hafe  f  e  beste. 
Thay  saH  plante  downe  faire  thare,   549 

"Worthi  mene  al  nyghte  saft  dye ; 
Bot  One  f  e  Morne  f  er  saH:  be  care, 
ffor  nowfer  syde  saH  hafe  fe  gree.      552 
Than  saH  fay  take  a  trewe,  and  swere, 
ffor  thre  3  ere  &  more,  j  vndirstande, 
J}at  nane  of  fame  saH  of  er  dere, 
[Nbwf  er]  by  See  ne  }itt  by  lande.     556 
.     .     .     .     saynte  Marye  dayes 

djayes  lange 

.     .     .     .     .     .     Baners  rayse 

; e  lande  560 

THORNTON 


[leaf  10] 
540 


544 


betwin  seytone  &  fe  seye,  536 

of  f  e  brusse,  bothe  moare  &  les. 
shipp^  shall  stand  vpow  the  sande, 
wavand  with  f  e  seye  fome, 
thre  yeares  &  moare,  vnderstand, 
or  any  barons  fetche  them  home 
steades  maistexles  shall  flynge, 
to  the  mountains  to  &  fro  ; 
f  er  sadel^  on  f  er  backer  hynge, 
till  f  er  girthes  be  rotten  in  to. 
thei  shall  hewe  on  helme  &  sheld, 
to  f  e  sonne  be  sett  neare  weste  ; 
no  manw  shall  witt,  in  fat  fyeld, 
whithether  partie  shall  haue  f  e  beste.  548 
thei  shaU  caste  downe  banne?^  there  ; 

wonden  many  one  fat  night  shall  dye  ; 
vpoft  the  morne  there  shalbe  care, 
for  neither  partie  shall  haue  f  e  degre.  552 
thei  shall  take  a  trewce,  &  sware, 
iij  yeares  &  moare,  I  vnderstand, 
fat  none  of  them  shall  other  dare, 
neither  by  water  ne  by  land.  556 

betwin  ij  Saint  mary  dayes, 
•when  f  e  tyme  waxethe  longe,  558 

then  shall  thei  mete,  &  banne^  raise, 
on  claydon  moore,  bothe  styf  &  stronge. 
SLOANE 


COTTON 

[ ]  sal  f  *  ost  be  aftyr  mes  •  by  twys  seton  & 

[Shijppes  sal  be  on  f  e  strande  *  wallyng  with  f  e  s 

T[hr]e  3er  &  more  f  er  sal  fai  stande  •  no  man to  f 

[Stedjes  maysterles  a  way  sail  flynge  •  to  f  e  mountt  .... 
[Sadels  on]  hyr  bakkes  sail  hynge  •  to  f  e  gyrthes  be 


536 
540 

544 


FYTTB   III.]  A   BATTLE   AT   GLADSMOOR. 

Bytwyx  ceton  &  the  see.  536     be  twene  seton  &  the  see. 

Shippes  shall  stonde  ther  on  J?e  sonde, 
hem  selfe  mene  the  the  fome ; 
Seue  yere  &  more  theyr  shall  they  stonde 
And  no  barne  shall  bryng  hem' home.  540 

11T  And  stedes  shall  maisterles  fleng 
To  the  Montayns  them  fro ;          [Ueafsi] 
the  sadles  shall  on  ther  bakes  hyng, 
Thyll  J?e  gerthes  be  rotten  them  fro.  544 
they  shall  hewe  on,  all  that  day, 
.*Tyll  the  sonne  be  sett  west ; 
ther  is  no  man,  that  wete  may, 
which  of  them  shall  haue  the  best.    548 


37 
536 


LANSDOWNE 


J?en  shalle  fei  [fe^t]  wit7i  helmys  &  shylde 

there>  [awey ; 

And  woundyt  men  al  eneglych  shal  rone 

but  on  J)e  morne  \er  schal  be  care, 
ffbr  nedyr  [side]  shall  haue  J>e  gree.  552 
2  Then  shalle  Jjei  take  a  truce  &  swere, 
thre  3  ere  and  more,  I  vndwrstonde ; 
j?er  noufer  side  shalle  odir  dere,   ^ci]26' 
Noufer  be  se  nor  be  londe.  556 

betwene  twoo  seynt  mary  dayes, 
When  J?e  tyme  waxis  nere  long, 
then  shalle  thei  mete,  and  banerse  rese, 
In  gleydes  more,  Jjat  is  so  long.         560 

CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

[fai  sal  plantt]  doun  hir  baners  par  •  &  wondid  men  s 
[Jris  is  }?e]  begynw-yng  [of  \er\  care  •  whan  nofer  party  sa 
[)>en  sal  J>ai]  take  a  trew  &  swere  •  thre  3er  &  more 
[Jjat  none  of]  fern  sal  [o]?er  dere  •  nofer]  by  se 
[ ]  saynt  mary  dayes  •  [when]  j?e  da 


548 
554 

558 
560 


38 


THE   BATTLE   AT    GLADSMOOR. 


[FYTTE  in. 


[7  lines  lost  at  foot  of  page  in 


*Bot  wiete  wele,  Thomas,  he  sail  fynd 
nan[e].  [Ueafiss]  572 

He  saH  lyghte,  whare  pe  crose  solde  bee, 
And  holde  his  nebbe  vp  to  the  skye ; 
And  drynke  of  gentitf  blode  and  free ; 
))ane  ladys,  waylowaye,  satt  crye.       576 
Ther  sail  a  lorde  come  to  J)at  werre, 
J)at  saH  be  of  fuH  grete  renown[ne] ; 
And  in  his  Banere  satt  he  bere, 
Triste  it  wele,  a  rede  lyono.  580 

Thar  satt  anofer  come  to  ]>at  werr[e], 
J}at  saH  fyghte  fuH  fayre  in  [ 
And  in  his  banere  saH  he  ber[e]         583 
A  Schippe  w/t/i  an  ankyre  of  golde. 
3itt  salt  an  o]>er  come  to  fat  werre, 
J}at  es  noghte  knawene  by  northe  n[e 
southe] ;  586 

And  in  his  Banere  saH  he  bere 
A  wolfe  with  a  nakede  childe  in  hia 

mo[uthe]. 

3itt  sail  j>e  ferthe  lorde  come  to  fatwferre], 
J)at  saH  grete  Maystries  after  ma[ke] ; 
And  in  his  B[anere  sa]H  he  b[er]e 
The  bere 592 

THORNTON 


iij  crowned  kinges,  with  dyntes  sore, 
shalbe  slayne,  &  vnder  be. 
a  Raven  shall  cowme  ouer  ]?e  moore ; 
and  after  him  a  crowe  shalle  flee,       568 
to  seke  j>e  moore,  without  reste, 
after  a  crosse  is  made  of  stone,  [leaf  io,backi 
ouer  hill  &  dale,  bothe  easte  &  weste ; 
but  trowe  j?0u  well,  he  shall  fynde  none. 

he  shall  lyght  wheare  J>e  crosse  shuld  be, 
&  holde  his  nebbe  into  J?e  skye ; 
&  drynk  of  ientle  bind  &  fre,  575 

of  doughti  knightes  fat  downe  shall  lye. 
SLOANE 


[Lines  577-604  not  in  this  MS.] 


FYTTE   III.]  THE   LORDS   WHO   SHOULD   COME   TO   THAT   BATTLE.  39 

Gladysmore,  J>at  gladis  vs  aft, 

This  is  begynyng  of  oure  gle ; 

gret  sorbw  J>en  shall  fall, 

Wher  rest  and  pees  were  wont  to  be.  564 

Crowned  kyngus  ]>er  shal  be  slayn, 

"With  dyntis  sore,  and  wondwr  se ; 

Out  of  a-more  a  rauen  shal  cwn ; 

And  of  hym  a  schrew  shall  flye,        568 

And  seke  jje  more,  with  owten  rest, 

A£tur  a  crosse  is  made  of  ston ; 

Hye  and  low,  boj)  est  and  west, 

But  vp  he  shall  [fynde]  non.  572 

He  shalle  li^t  J?er  the  crosse  shuld  be, 
And  holde  his  neb  vp  to  J>e  skye  \ 
And  he  shaH  drynk  of  [        ], 
Ladys  shalle  cry  welawey  !  576 

LANSDOWNE  CAMBRIDGE 


[Lines  577-604  in  no  MS.  but  the  Thornton.] 


COTTON 

[5  lines  lost  at  top  of  page.]  [leaf  MS] 

[fynd  no]  572 

neb  vp  to  J?e  sky  574 

[w]elaway  sal  cry  576 
[Lines  577-604  not  in  this  MS] 


40 


HOW   A   BASTARD   SHOULD   COME   OUT   OF   THE   WEST  [FYTTE   III. 


And  pa 

Wh 

Bot 

J>er .596 

An 

Th 

J>e      . 

An 600 

Be 

Wh 

Th     .     .     . 

The 604 

pa frely  pel  shall  fight  pat  daye,  605 

Y .'....     606     to  pat  pe  sonne  be  sett  neare  weste ; 

none  of  them  shall  witt,  I  saye, 

[4  lines  entirely  lost  at  bottom  of  column.]     whither  partie  shall  haue  pe  beste.    608 

a  basted  shall  comme  owte  of  a  fforreste, 

in  sothe  england  borne  shalbe — 

[col.  2] lie  shall  wynne  pe  gre  for  pe  beste, 

&  all  pe  land  after  bretens  shalbe.     612 

thew  he  shall  into  England  ryde, 

.     .     .     . easte  weste,  as  we  heare  sayne.  614 

[Coil.  2  entirely  torn  off.] 

y   .     .     . all  false  lawes  he  shall  laye  downe, 

. pat  ar  begowne  in  pat  contre ; 

.     .     .     .    ' trewthe  to  do,  he  shalbe  bone, 

&  all  pe  land,  after,  bretens  shalbe.    620 

THORNTON  SLOANE 


COTTON 

sunn]e  syt  euyn  weste 

w]yt  may  •  whethir  party  sal  hafe  pe  best  608 

of  pe  forest  •  In  south  yngland  born  sal  be 
f]or  best  •  And  al  ledes  bretayns  sal  be  612 


FYTTE  III.J 


AND   BECOME   LEADER  OF   ALL  BRITAIN. 


IT  A  basterd  shall  come  out  of  the  west, 
And  there  he  shall  wyne  the  gre ; 
he  shall  bothe  Est  and  west, 
And  all  the  lond  breton  shall  be.       612 
he  shall  In  to  Englond  Kyde, 
Est  and  west  in  hys  tyme ; 
And  holde  A  parlament  of  moche  pryde, 
that  neuerno  parlament  by  fore  was  seyne. 

And  fals  lawes  he  shall  ley  doune,  617 
that  ar  goyng  in  that  countre ; 
And  treu  workes  he  shall  begyn, 
And  bothe  londes  bretton  shalbe.       620 

LANSDOWNE 


}?en  shal  they  fi^t  with  heflme  &]  sohilde, 
Ynto  j?e  sun  be  set  nere  west  \  Deaf  127] 
$er  is  no  wy^t  in  fat  fylde,  607 

]?at  wottis  qwylke  side  shali  haue  j?e  best. 
A  bastarde  shal  cum  fro  a  forest, — 
Not  in  ynglond  borne  shall  he  be  j — 
And  he  shalle  wyn  fe  gre  for  J?e  best, 
Alle  men  leder  of  bretan  shal  he  be.   612 
And  with  pride  to  ynglond  ride, 
Est  and  west  as  ....  layde 

And  holde  a  parlement  w[ .] 

Where  neuer  non  before  was  sayd     616 
Alle  false  lawes  he  [shalle  laye  doune], 
Jpat  ar  begune  in  Ipat  cuntre ; 
Truly  to  wyrke,  he  shal  be  boune ; 
And  alle  leder  of  bretans  shal  he  be.  620 

CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 


s]al  he  ryde  •  est  &  west  with  myche  tene 

ment  with  myche  pryde  •  )>*  neuyr  non  sych  be  for  was  sene     616 
es  he  sal  dyng  down)  •  J?at  wer  begun  in  hys  cuntre 
o  wirke  he  sal  be  bown  •  trewly  thomas  as  I  tell  j?e  620 


42  THE  LAST  BATTLE  SHOULD  BE  AT  SANDYFORD.  [FYTTE   III. 


thomas !  trowe  fat  I  the  tell, 

that  it  be  so,  eumche  worde. 

of  a  battell  I  shall  the  spell, 

that  shalbe  done  at  sandyford  :          624 

ney  pe  forde  per  is  a  braye, 

and  ney  pe  braye  p  er  is  a  well ;       Qeafii] 

[Leaf  153,  col  2,  and  153,  back,  col  1,     a  stone  per  is,  a  lytell  fraye, 

torn  out  of  MS.]  &  so  per  is,  J)e  sothe  to  tell.  628 

thowe  may  trowe  this,  euery  wurde — 632 

growand  per  be  okes  iij ;  629 

that  is  called  the  sandyford,  630 

per  the  laste  battell  done  shalbe.        631 

, Kenmerdes&Clyffordesboldeshalbe,633 

.. .     .     .  in  Bmse  land  iij  yeares  &  mare,        634 

.     .     . &  dynge  downe  tower}  &  castell^  high ; 

to  do  owtraye  thei  shall  not  spare.     636 

J>e  basted  shall  gett  him  power  stronge, 

,     .     .     .     .  all  ]?e  fyue  leishe  lande —  639 

«  thereshallnotonhimbodwordbrynge,640 

.     .     .     . as  I  am  for  to  vnderstand. 

.     . .  fe  basted  shall  die  in  ]>e  holly  lande;  641 

Ihesu  Criste !  pat  mykell  maye,         644 

his  sowle  pou  take  into  pi  hande,       643 

whewheisdeade&layedinclaye!'^*^0" 

.     .     . &  as  she  tolde,  at  the  laste,  645 

.     .     , J>e  teares  fell  oner  hir  eyen  graye. 

THORNTON  SLOANS 


FYTTE   III.] 


THE  BASTARD   SHOULD   DIE   IN   THE   HOLY   LAND. 


43 


And  thus  is  that  I  you  tell ; 
belefe  it  wele  euery  word  ! 
And  of  A  baytale  I  wote  full  wele, 
that  shalbe  done  at  Sawdyngford. 
By  that  forde  there  is  a  bro, 
And  by  that  bro  ther  is  A  well : 
A  stone  there  is  a  lityll  there  fro ; 
And  by  the  stone  sothe  to  tell, 
And  at  Jjat  stone  Ar  cragges  iij,  • 

[The  MS.  here  ends  abruptly  thouyh 
there  is  more  room  on  the  page.] 


LANSDOWNE 


Jje  bastarde  shal  get  hym  power  strong, 
And  alle  his  foes  he  shall  doune  dyng ; 
Off  alle  Jje  v  kyngws  landzs, 
Jjer  shal  non  badfword]  home  bryng.  6-40 
Jje  bastard  shal  dye  in  Jje  holy  land  ;-*- 
Trow  Jw's  wel  [I]  Jje  sey ; — 
Take  his  sowle  to  his  hond, 
Ihesu  criste,  [that]  mycuti  may  !        644 
Thomas,  [truly]  I  jje  say, 
Jj/s  is  [trewth]  ylke  a  worde  ! 
Off  Jjat  laste  battel  I  jje  say, 
624    !It  [shall]  be  done  at  Sandeford :      624 
Nere  sendyforth  Jjer  is  a  wroo,   [Ufi27,bk] 
And  nere  jjat  wro  is  a  weH ; 
A  [ston]  Jjer  is  Jje  wel  euen  fro  ; 

628  And  nere  Jje  wel,  truly  to  teH,  628 

629  On  Jjat  grounde  Jjer  groeth  okys  thre, 
And  is  called  sondyford ; 

]>er  Jje  last  battel  done  shal  be, 
Thomas,  trow  Jjou  ilke  a  worde.'        632 
Jjen  she  seid  "with  heuy  chere ; 
Jje  terys  ran  out  of  hir  een  gray. 

CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

owe  J)is  ful  wele  *  Jjat  Jjis  is  soth  euery  worde 

[Of  a  bate]l  I  can  Jje  telle  •  Jjat  sal  be  done  at  Sandyforde  624 

[Nere  Jje]  forde  J)ar  is  a  bro  •  &  nere  Jje  bro  Jjer  is  a  well 
standes  Jje  welle  euyn  fro  •  &  nere  it  a  ston  sothely  to  tell      628 
[&  nere]  Jjat  ston  growith  okes  thre  •  Jjat  men  call  sandyforde 
[Jjar  Jje  la]st  batel  don  sal  be  •  thomas  trowe  Jjou  wele  Jjis  euery  worde  632 
e]s  &  clyffordes  in  werre  sal  be  *  In  bruces  lande  thre  ^ere  &  more 
u)  tones  &  castels  fre  •  to  do  owtray  Jjai  sal  not  spare  636 

e]  Jjat  I  Jje  say  *  Jje  bastard  sal  de  in  Jje  holy  lande 

Jjou  wele  may  •  sese  hys  sawle  into  Jji  hande  644 

d  with  mych  care  *  Jje  teres  ran  doun)  of  hyr  eyn  grey 


44 


THE   LADY   WEEPS   FOR  THE   WOE   THAT   IS  ,TO   BE.  [FYTTE   III. 


fleaf  163,  back,  col.  1] 


[Leaf  153,  back,  col.  1,  torn  out  of 
Thornton  MS.] 


1  Lady,  or  you  wepe  so  faste, 

take  yowr  leave  &  goo  jour  waye  ! '   648 

'  I  wepe  not  for  my  waye  wyndinge, 

but  for  ladyes,  faire  &  fre, 

whew  lordes  bene  deade,  Wi't/iout  leasynge, 

shall  wedd  yomew  of  poore  degre.      652 

Jhe  shall  have  steades  in  stabull  fedd; 

a  hawke  to  bare  vpon  his  hand ; 

a  lovly  lady  to  his  bedd ;         pieafii.back] 

his  elders  before  him  had  no  land  !    656 

farewell,  thomas,  well  the  be  ! 

for  all  this  daye  thowe  wilt  me  marr. 

'  nowe,  lovly  lady,  tell  thowe  me, 

of  blak  annes  of  Dvnbarr.'  660 


THORNTON 


'  of  blak  annes  comme  neuer  gode, 
therfor,  maye  she  neuer  the  : 
for  all  hir  welthe,  &  worldes  gode, 
in  london  shall  she  slayne  be.  668 

the  greateste  merchaunte  of  hir  blud, 
in  a  dike  shall  he  dye ; 
houndes  of  him  shall  take  J>er  fode, 
mawger  all  per  kynwe  &  he.'  672 

SLOANE 


COTTON 

J>ou  wepe  so  sare  •  take  Jri  houndes  &  wende  ]>i  wey  648 

my  way  wendyng  •  sothly  thomas  as  I  J?e  say 
s  sal  wed  ladyes  wft7*  ryng  •  Whan  hyr  lordes  be  slain  [away  652 
des  in  stabil  fed  •  a  fayr  goshauk  to  hys  hande 
to  hys  bed  •  hys  kyn  be  fore  had  neuyr  lande  656 

m]as  &  wele  fe  be  •  al  J>is  day  J>ou  wil  me  mare 

•  of  blake  aunes  of  Dunbare  660 


FYTTE   III.]         THOMAS  ASKS  THE   FATE   OF   BLACK   AGNES   OF  DUNBAR.  45 

*  lady,  or  J>ou  wepe  so  sore, 

Take  J>i  houndis  &  wend  J>i  way  ! '     648 

'  I  wepe  not  for  my  way  walkyng, 

Thomas,  truly  I  J>e  say ; 

But  fer  ladys,  shaH  wed  laddys  3ong, 

When  \er  lordis  ar  ded  away.  652 

He  shaft  haue  a  stede  in  stabul  fed, 

A  hauk  to  beyre  vpon  his  hond ; 

A  bright  lady  to  his  [bed], 

fat  be  fore  had  none  [londe].  656 

ffare  wel,  thomas,  I  wende  my  way ; 

Alle  ]>is  day  J>ou  wil  me  [mar]  !  \ 

*  Lufly  lady,  tel  JJGU  me, 

Off  blake  Agnes  of  Don[bar]  ;  660 

aAnd  why  she  haue  gyven  me  J>e  warre, 
And  put  me  in  hir  prison  depe ;  [l  leaf  1 28] 
ffor  I  wolde  dwel  with  hir, 
And  kepe  hir  ploos  and  hir  she[pe].'  664 
'  Off  blak  Agnes  cum  neuer  gode  : 
Wher  for,  thomas,  she  may  not  the ; 
fibr  al  hir  welth  and  hir  wordly  gode, 
In  london  cloysed  shal  she  be.  668 

"per  preuisse  neuer  gode  of  hir  blode ; 
In  a  dyke  J?en  shall  she  dye ; 
Houndis  of  hir  shaH  haue  ]?er  fode, 
Magrat  of  aH  hir  kyng  of  le.'  672 

LANSDOWNE  CAMBRIDGE 


COTTON 

)?e  war  &  put  me  depe  in  hyr  pmoune 
vriih  hyr  •  sothely  lady  at  arsyldoun  664 

e]  neuyr  gode  •  thomas  sche  may  do  not  to  J>e 
&  wordely  gode  *  In  london  sal  she  closyd  be  668 

xt  of  hyr  blode  •  In  a  foule  dyke  sal  sche  dye 
r  sal  hafe  her  fode  •  mawgre  of  al  hyr  kyn  &  she  672 


46      THE   LADY   PROMISES   TO   MEET   THOMAS   AGAIN   AT   HUNTLEY   BANKS.     [FYTTE   III. 


[leaf  153,  back,  col.  2] 

To  huntlee  bankkis  fou  take  the  way[e]  ; 
[T]here  saH:  j  sekirly  "be  bowne,         679 
[And]  mete  the  Thomas  whene  j  maye. 
[lines  681-4  found  only  in  Cotton  MS.] 
[I  sa]H  th&  ke/me  whare  euer  thon  gaa, 
[To  ber]e  J>e  pryce  of  curtaysye ;        686 
[For  tujnge  es  wele,  &  tunge  es  waa, 
[And  tun]ge  es  chefe  of  Mynstrallsye.' 
[lines  689-692  found  only  in  Cotton  MS.] 
[Scho  blejwe  hir  home  on  hir  palfraye, 
[And  left]e  Thomas  vndir-nethe  a  tre ; 
[To  Helmesd]ale  scho  take  the  waye  j 
[And  thus]  departede  scho  and  hee  ! 
[Of  swilke]  an  hird  mane  wolde  j  here, 
[pat  couth]  Me  teHe  of  swilke  ferly.  698 
[Ihesu],  corounde  with  a  crowne  of  brere, 
[Bry]nge  vs   to   his   heuene   So   hyee ! 
amene,  amene.  700 

Explicit  Thomas 
Of  Erseledownne 

THORNTON 


thomas^  drere  manw  was  he, 
teares  fell  ouer  his  eyen  so  graye. 

*  nowe,  lovly  lady,  tell  jjou  me, 

if  we  shall  parte  for  euer  &  aye  1 '      676 

*  naye  ! '  she  saide,  '  thomas,  parde, 
whew  thowe  sitteste  in  Arseldon, 

to  hontley  bankzs  J?ou  take  J?e  waye ; 
Jjer  shall  I  sykerly  to  the  recomme.    680 

I  shall  reken,  wheare  euer  I  goo,        685 
to  beare  the  pn'ce  of  curtese.'  686 


and  thus  departid  she  &  he  !  696 

Finis. 


SLOANB 


COTTON 

a  drery  man  was  he  •  J?e  teres  ran  of  his  eyn  grey 
y  tel  J?0u  me  •  if  we  sal  part  for  onys  &  ay 
at  arseldoun)  •  to  huntly  bankes  tak  j>i  way 
edy  boun)  •  to  mete  fe  ]?ar  if  J?at  I  may 
ende  my  way  •  I  may  no  langer  stande  wft&  fe 
f  e  pray  *  tel  neuyr  y  frendes  at  home  of  me 
y  a  lady  fre  •  I  sal  fe  comfort  wher  fat  fou  go 


676 

680 
684 


FYTTE   III.]       SHE  GOES  HER  WAT,   LEAVING   THOMAS   UNDER  THE  TREE.  47 

fen  Thomas,  a  sory  man  was  he, 

f  e  terys  ran  out  of  his  een  gray ; 

*  lufly  lady,  $et  [tell  f  ou]  me, 

If  we  shaH  parte  for  euer  and  ay  ? '   676 

'  Nay  !  when  f  ou  sitt[es]  at  erseldown, 

To  hunteley  [bankes]  f  ou  take  thi  way ; 

And  f  er  shal  I  be  redy  bowne, 

To  mete  f  e  thomas,  if  fat  I  may.'      680 


She  blew  [hir]  home,  on  hir  palfray, 
And  lef [fed]  thomas  at  eldryn  tre ; 
Til  helmesdale  she  toke  J)e  way  ;  [if  i28,bk] 
thus  departed  fat  lady  and  he  !         696 
Off  such  a  woman  wold  I  here, 
That  couth  telle  me  of  such  ferly  ! 
Ihesu,  crowned  with  thorne  so  clere, 
Bryng  vs  to  thi  hatt  on  hye  !  700 

Explicit 


LANSDOWNE  CAMBRIDGE 

COTTON 

profe  of  curtasy  •  tong  is  weke  &  tong  is  wo  688 

e  of  mynstralsy  •  tong  is  water  &  tong  is  wyne 

[Tong  is  che]fe  of  melody  •  &  tong  is  thyng  fat  fast  wil  bynd  692 

[fen  went]  forth  fat  lady  gay  •  vpon  hyr  wayes  for  to  w[ende] 
[She  blewe  hi]r  horn  on  hyr  palfray  •  &  lefte  thomas  vndir  a  [tre]      696 
man  wold  I  here  •  fat  couth  tel  more  of  f is  ferly 

kyng  so  clere  •  bryng  vs  to  f  i  halle  [on  hye]          700 
[Explicit  prop]hecia  thome  de  Arseldounc 


48 


APPENDIX  I. 


APPENDIX    I. 

From  "  The  Whole  prophesie  of  Scotland,"  &c.    Edinburgh,  Robert  Waldegrave,  1603. 
Collated  with  Andro  Hart's  Edition,  1615. 


!*  $wpfe*«e 
$irm0ttt. 


[B  j,  back] 


Still  on  my  waies  as  I  went, 

Out  throgh  a  land,  beside  a  1  lie, 

I  met  a  2beirne  vpon  the  3way. 

Me  thought  him  seemlie  for  to  see, 

I  asked  him  4  holly  his  intent,  6 

Good  Sir,  if  your  5wil  be, 

Sen  that  ye  byde  vpon  the  bent 

Some  vncouth  tydinges  tell  you  me, 

When  shal  al  these  warres  be  gone, 

That  leile  men  may  6leue  in  lee,  10 

Or  when  shall  falshood  goe  from  home 

and  laughtie  blow  his  home  on  hie. 

I  looked  from  me  not  a  mile, 

And  saw  two  Knights  vpon  a  7lie, 

they  were  armed  seemely  new,  15 

two  Croces  on  8  there  brestes  they  bare, 

and  they  were  9cled  in  diuers  hew, 

Of  sindrie  countries  as  they  were, 

the  one  was  red  as  any  blood, 

Set  in  his  Shield  a  IODragone  keene,  20 

He  nsteird  his  Steed  as  he  were  12mad, 

With  crabbid  words  sharpe  and  keene 

Right  to  the  other  beirne  him  by. 

His  Horse  was  al  of  siluer  sheene 

His  Shield  was  shaped  right  seemlie,  25 

In  it  a  Ramping  Lyon  keene. 

Seemly  into  golde  was  set, 

His  bordour  was  of  Asure  sheene, 


With  silke  and  Sabil  well  was  plet, 

I  looked  from  me  ouer  a  greene,  80 

And  saw  a  Ladie  on  a  lie, 

That  such  a  one  had  I  neuer  seene. 

the  light  of  her  shined  so  hie, 

Attour  the  moore  where  13  at  she  fure, 

The  fields  me  thought  faire  and  greene         35 

She  rode  vpon  a  Steid  ful  sture, 

That  such  a  one  had  I  seldome  seene  : 

Her  Steid  was  white  as  any  milke, 

His  top  his  taile  14  war  both  full  blae 

A  side  I5  saydle  sewed  with  silke,  40 

As  al  were  golde  it  glittered  so, 

His  harnessing  was  of  silke  of  ynde, 

Set  with  precious  stones  free, 

He  ambled  on  a  noble  kinde  : 

Vpon  her  head  stoode  Crownes  three  :          45 

Her  garment  w£s  of  Gowles  gay, 

But  other  colour  saw  I  none, 

A  flying  fowle  then  I  aaw, 

Light  beside  her  on  a  stone 

A  stoope  into  her  hand  she  baere,  50 

and  holy  water  she  had  readie, 

She  sprinkled  the  field  both  here  &  there 

Said  heere  shal  many  dead  corpes  lie. 

At  yon  bridge  vpon  yon  burne, 

Where  the  water  runnes  bright  and  sheene,  55 

There  shal  many  steides  spurne, 


'  Ley 
9  clad 


2  bairne         3  bent         4  wholly         5  wils 
10  Dragon  sheene        "  stirde        12  wood 


6  Hue        7  Ley        8  their 
13  aa        "  wer        1S  saddle 


THE    PROrHECIE   OF    THOMAS   EYMOUB. 


And  Knightes  die  throw  battles  keene 

1  To  the  two  Knightes  did  she  say, 

Let  be  your  strife  my  Knightes  free, 

Ye  take  your  Horse  and  ride  your  way         60 

As  God  hath  ordained  so  must  it  be,  [B  ij,  back] 

Saint  Andrew  thou  hast  the  2hight, 

Saint  George  thou  art  my  owne  Knight, 

they  3wrongous  aires  shall  worke  thee  woe, 

Now  are  they  one  there  4waies  gone,  65 

The  Ladie  and  the  Knightes  two, 

to  that  beirne  then  can  I  ment, 

and  asked  5 tythings  be  my  fey, 

What  kinde  of  sight  was  that  I  said  ? 

6  Thou  shewed  to  me  upon  yone  lie,  70 

Or  wherefrow  came  those  Knights  two 

They  seemed  of  a  farre  countrie, 

That  Ladie  that  I  let  thee  see, 

that  is  the  Queene  of  heauen  so  bright 

the  fowle  that  flew  by  her  knee,  75 

that  is  Saint  Michael  much  of  might 

the  knightes  two  the  field  to  ta 

Where  manie  men  in  field  shall  fight. 

know  you  well  it  shal  be  so, 

that  die  shal  manie  a  gentle  knight.  80 

With  death  shall  manie  doughtie  daile, 

the  Lordes  shal  be  then  away, 

there  is  no  Harret  that  can  tell, 

•who  shal  win  the  field  that  day, 

A  crowned  King  in  armes  three  85 

Vnder  the  Baner  shal  be  set, 

two  false  and  feyned  shal  be, 

the  third  shal  light  and  make  great  let 

Baners  fiue  againe  shal  striue, 

and  come  in  on  the  other  side,  90 

the  white  Lyon  shall  beate  them  downe, 

and  worke  them  woe  with  woundes  wide, 

The  7 Bares  heade  with  the  "read  Lyon,    [B  iij] 

So  seemely  into  9read  golde  set, 

That  day  shal  slay  the  King  with  Crowne,    95 

Though  many  Lordes  make  great  let, 

there  shal  attour  the  water  of  Forth 


Set  in  golde  the  read  Lyon. 

And  many  Lords  out  of  the  North 

to  that  battell  shal  make  them  boun,  100 

there  shal  Crescentes  come  ful  keene, 

that  weares  the  Croce  as  read  as  blood. 

On  euerie  side  shal  be  sorrow  seene, 

Defouled  is  many  doughtie  foode, 

Beside  a  Lough,  vpon  a  lie,  105 

they  shal  assemble  vpon  a  day, 

And  many  doughtie  men  shal  die 

Few  in  quiet  shal  be  found  away, 

Our  Scottish  King  shal  come  full  keeue, 

The  read  Lyon  beareth  he,  110 

A  feddered  arrow  sharpe  I  weene 

Shal  make  him  winke  and  warre  to  see, 

Out  of  the  10filde  he  shal  be  led 

When  he  is  bloodie  and  woe  for  blood, 

Yet  to  his  men  shall  he  say  115 

For  Gods  loue  nyou  turne  againe 

and  giue  12  those  Sutherne  folke  a  13fray, 

Why  should  I  lose,  the  right  is  mine. 

My  date  is  not  to  die  this  day. 

Yonder  is  Mfalshoode  fled  away,  120 

and  IS  laugh  tie  blowes  his  home  on  hie, 

Our  bloodie  King  that  weares  the  Crowne, 

Ful  boldlie  shal  16he  battell  byde, 

His  Baner  shal  be  beaten  downe,  124 

And  hath  no  hole  his  head  to  hide,  [B  iij,  back] 

the  Sternes  three  that  day  shall  die, 

That  beares  the  17Harte  in  siluer  sheene  : 

there  is  no  riches  golde  nor  fee, 

May  lengthen  his  life  18an  howre  I  weene,  129 

Thus  through  the  field  19that  Knight  shal  ride 

And  twise  reskew  the  King  with  Crowne, 

He  will  make  many  a  Banner  yeeld, 

the  Knight  that  beares  the  toddes  three, 

He  wil  by  force  the  field  to  ta, 

But  when  he  sees  the  Lyon  20die,  135 

Thinke  ye  wel  he  wil  be  wae, 

Beside  him  lightes  beirnes  three, 

Two  is  white  the  third  is  blae, 


1  Knights  then  did  they  sey         2  right         3  wrangous  heires         4  wayes         *  tydings  by 

6  Then         7  Beares         *  red         9  red  gold         I0  field  "  turne  you         l2  these 

13  frey        14  falget         is  iou(iiie         is  the  battell  bide  n  heart        I8  one  houre 

19  n,~        20  dee 


ERCILDOUN. 


the 


50 


APPENDIX    I. 


the  toddes  three,  shall  slay  the  two, 

The  third  of  them  shall  make  him  die,        140 

Out  of  the  field  shall  goe  no  more, 

But  one  Knight  and  knaues  three. 

There  comes  a  Banner  red  as  '  blud, 
In  a  Ship  of  siluer  sheene, 
With  him  comes  many  2ferlie  fude,  146 

to  worke  the  Scottes  much  hurte  and  woe, 
There  comes  a  Ghost  out  of  the  west, 
Is  of  another  language  then  he, 
to  the  battle  bownes  him  best, 
As  soone  as  he  the  Senyour  can  see,  150 

the  Batches  workes  them  great  waurest, 
Where  they  are  rayed  on  a  lie, 
I  cannot  tell  who  hath  the  best 
Each  of  them  makes  other  die 
A  white  Swane  set  into  blae,  165 

Shal  semble  from  the  South  sey, 
To  worke  the  3Northen  folk  great  wae,     [B  4.] 
For  knowe  you  well  thus  shal  it  be, 
the  staikes  4aucht  with  siluer  set, 
Shal  semble  from  the  other  side,  160 

till  he  and  the  Swan  be  met, 
They  shal  worke  woe  with  woundes  wide, 
throw  woundes  wide,  there  weeds  hath  wet 
So  boldlie  will  5  there  beirnes  byde, 
It  is  no  6rek  who  gets  the  best,  165 

they  shal  both  die  in  that  same  tide. 
,     There  comes  a  Lord  out  of  the  North, 
Riding  vpon  a  Horse  of  tree, 
that  broad  landes  hath  beyond  Forth, 
The  white  Hinde  beareth  he,  170 

And  two  Batches  that  are  blew, 
Set  7into  golde  that  is  so  free, 
that  day  the  8Egill  shal  him  slay. 
and  then  put  up  his  Banner  hie  : 
The  Lord  that  beares  9the  Losanes  three,  175 
Set  into  gold  with  Gowles  two, 
Before  him  shal  a  battel  be, 
He  weares  a  banner  that  is  blew, 


blood 
7 


3  Northerne 
9  omits  the 


2  ferly  food 
in  golde         8  Egle  ...........  _ 

13  fiftie  flue         14  Carlill         15  bedeene 
19  guilt        w  men  cals        2I  lies        22  Beares 
26  red        27  beareth 


Set  with  Pecok  tailes  three  : 

and  lustie  Ladies  heads  two,  1 80 

10Vnfane  of  one,  each  other  shal  be, 

all  through  griefe  to  gether  they  goe 

I  cannot  tel  who  wins  the  gree, 

Each  of  them  shal  other  slay, 

the  nEgill  gray  set  into  greene,  185 

that  weares  the  12  hartes  heades  three, 

Out  of  the  South  he  shal  be  seene, 

to  light  and  ray  him  on  a  lie, 

With  1355.  Knights  that  are  keene,      [B  4,  back] 

And  Earles  either  two  or  three,  190 

From  14Carlel  shal  come  15bedene, 

Againe  shal  they  it  neuer  see, 

at  Pinkin  Cleuch  lfi their  shal  be  spilt, 

Much  gentle  blood  that  day, 

17  Their  shal  the  18  Baire  lose  the  19gylt,       1 95 

And  the  Eagle  beare  it  away, 

Before  the  water  20man  calles  Tyne, 

And  there  ouer  2Ilyes  a  brig  of  stone, 
the  22Baires  three,  looses  the  gree, 
there  shall  the  Eagle  win  his  name.  200 

There  comes  a  beast  out  of  the  west 
With  him  shal  come  a  faire  manie, 
His  Baner  23hes  beene  seldome  seene, 
A  bastard  trowe  I  best  he  be, 
Gotten  24with  a  Ladie  sheene,  205 

25  With  a  Knight  in  priuitie 
His  armes  are  full  eath  to  knowe, 
the  26read  Lyon  27  bears  he, 
that  Lyon  shall  forsaken  be, 
and  28he  right  glad  to  ^flee  away  210 

Into  an  Orchyard.on  a  lie, 
With  hearbs  greene  and  allayes  gray, 
there  will  he  inlaiked  be, 
His  men  sayes  harmesay, 
the  Eagle  puts  his  Baner  on  hie  215 

and  sayes  the  field  he  woone  that  day. 
their  shal  the  Lyon  lye  full  still, 
Into  a  vallie  faire  and  bright, 

4  eight         5  their  bairnes  bide         6  reck 
10  Unfaine         n  Egle         12  hearts  heads 
16  There  shall         17  There         18  Beare 
23  hath  bene         24  betweene         2i  And 

28    be  29    be 


THE  PROPHECIE  OP  THOMAS  UYMOUB. 


51 


A  Ladie  shoutes  with  words  shrile, 

and  sayes  woe  worth  '  the  coward  knight    220 

Thy  men  are  slaine  vpon  yon  hil,  [B  5] 

To  dead  are  many  2dougtie  dight, 
Theareat  the  Lyon  likes  ill, 
And  raises  his  baner  hie  on  hight 
Vpon  the  moore  that  is  so  gray,  225 

Beside  a  headles  Croce  of  stone, 
There  shal  the  Eagle  die  that  day, 
And  the  read  Lyon  win  the  name 
The  Eagles  three  shal  lose  the  gree, 
that  they  haue  had  this  manie  day,  230 

the  read  Lyon  shal  win  renowne, 
Win  all  the  field  and  beare  away, 
One  3  Crowe  shal  come,  another  shal  goe, 


and  drink  the  gentle  blood  sa  free. 

When  all  these  ferlies  was  away  235 

then  sawe  I  non,  but  I  and  he 
then  to  the  4birne  couth  I  say 
Where  dwels  thou  or  in  what  countrie  : 
Or  who  shal  rule  the  lie  of  Bretaine 
From  the  North  to  the  South  sey  :  240 

a  French  5  wife  shal  beare  the  Son, 
Shall  rule  all  Bretaine  to  the  sey, 
that  of  the  Bruces  blood  shall  come 
As  neere  as  the  nint  degree 
I  franed  fast  what  was  his  name,  245 

Where  that  he  came  from  what  countrie  ? 
In  Erslingtoun,  I  dwell  at  hame 
Thomas  Rymour  men  calles  me.  248 


thee 


doughtie        3  Crowne 


Bairne  could 


Queene 


which 


[My  idea  at  first  was  to  print  the  above  in  4-line  stanzas,  thus  : 

Still  on  my  waies  as  I  went, 

Out  throgh  a  land,  beside  a  lie, 
I  met  a  beirne  vpon  the  way  ; 

Me  thought  him  seemlie  for  to  see. 

But,  though  this  is  clearly  the  original  structure,  it  breaks  down  in  twelve  places,  in  the  copy 
as  we  have  it  (a  clear  proof  of  its  imperfections),  and  in  others  is  so  uncertain,  that  I  finally 

resolved  to  let  it  alone,  and  give  it  in  the  form  in  which  I  found  it.  An  examination  will 

show  : — 

two  lines  (half  stanza)  12—14 

three  uncertain  lines  23 — 25 

three  lines  of  a  stanza  62 — 64 

nine  uncertain  lines  113 — 121 

three  odd  lines  130—132 

two  lines  (half  stanza)  137—138 

two  lines  (half  stanza)  179—180 

six  uncertain  lines  197  —  202 

two  lines  (half  stanza)  207—208 

two  lines  (half  stanza)  233—234 

two  lines  239—240 


Three  regular 

stanzas         1  —  12 

two          „ 

„            15—22 

nine        „ 

„            26—61 

twelce  .    „ 

„          65—112 

two          „ 

122—129 

one          „ 

133—136 

ten          „ 

„        139—178 

four 

„        181—196 

one          „ 

„        203—206 

six           „ 

„        209—232 

one          „ 

„        235—238 

one  doubtful 

241—244 

one  regular 

„        245—248.] 

52 


APPENDIX    II. 


"THE  PEOPHISIES   OF   EYMOUE,   BEID,   AND   MAELYNG : 

AN   ENGLISH   PROPHECY. 
{Lansdonne  MS.  762,  leaf  75,  collated  with  Rawl.  MS.  C.  813,  leaf  72,  laclt.~} 


WELL  on  my  way  as  I  forth  wente 

ouer  a  londe  beside  a  lee, 
I  met  with1  a  baron2  vpon  a  bente, 

Me  thought  hym  semely  for  to  see. 
I  prayed  hym  with  good  entente 

To  abide  awhile  and  speke  with  me 
Som  vncowth  tidynges  [in]  verament 

3 That  he  wolde  tell  me  ij  or  iij.8 


'Whan  shall  all  these  warres  be  gone4 
Or  trewe  men  ly ve  in  love  & 5  lee  1 

Or  whan  shall  falshed  fange6  from  home, 
OrTrewth  shall  blow  his  home  on  hyeT 

He  said,x '  man,  set  thy  fote  on  myne, 
And  ouer  my  Shulder  loke  thyn  lie7 

The  fairest  sight  I  shall  shewe  the  [syne] 8 
That  euer  saw9  man  in10  thy  countre.' 

Ouer  a  lande  forth  I  blynte,11 

A  semely  sight  me  thought  I  se — 

A  crowned  quene  in  verament, 

With  a  company  of  Angelles  fre.  20 

Her  stede  was  grete  &  dappyll  gray, 

her  aparell  was  of  silke  of  Inde ; 
with  peryll  and  perrye12  set  full  gay, 

her  stede  was  of  a  ferly  kynde.        24 
13  So  Eyally14  in  her  Array  e, 

I  stode  and  mwsyd  in  my  mynde ; 
all  the  clerkes  a  live  to  day 

So  fayre  a  lady  colde l5  none  ffynde.  28 


An  Angyll  kneled  on  his  kne, 

and  other  many  apon  that  land 
went  to  that  faire  of  ffelycite, 

and  gave  her  a  holy  water  sprynckell 
in  hand.  32 

her  crowne  was  Graven  in  graynis  iij, 

she   halowyd   the   grownd  with   her 

owen16  hand, 
both  ffrythe  &  ffelde  and  fforest  ffree ; 

and  I  behelde17  and  styll  did  stand.  36 

She  halo  wed  yt  both  18farre  &  nere;18 

the  Angelles  after  her  did  hie ; 
She  said,  '  lesu,  that  bowght  vs  dere,19 

what  here  shalle  many  a  dede  corse 
lye!  40 

'here   most    barnies20   be    brought   on 
here, 

and  welle-  away21  shall  ladyes  crye, 
lesu,  that  bowght  mankynde  so  dere, 

vpon  the[r]  soulles  haue  mercy  e  !     44 

then  I  lokyd  ouer  a  lovely  lande — 

that    was    a    selcowth    thinge22    in 

sight — 
I  se  come  ouer  a  bent  rydaunde 

23  A  goodly  man  as  armyde  knyght.24  48 
he  shoke  his  spere  ferselye25  in  hand, 

Eight  cruell[ye]  and  kene ; 
Styfly  &  stowre  as  he  wolde  stonde, 

he  bare  a  shylde  of  Syluer  shene.     52 


1  E.  omits. 


buron 


3_3 


to  tell  me  what  hereafter  shulde  be. 
6  be  founde         7  thow  nye         8  E.  ffyne,  L.  nil.         9  s 
11  Ouer  a  louely  lande  as  I  was  lente         12  L.  perle  —  perre 
14  Soo  Eyall  she  was          15  can          16  om.          17  L.  behinde  yt  and 


19  L.  man  kynde         20  burons        21  L.  wyll  away        22  L.  inserts  '  to  se 
24  He  semed  In  felde  as  he  wolde  ffight        M  L.  f uryously 


4  done         5  L.  or 
3        10of 
13  leaf  75,  back. 

18-18  L.  fere  &  nye 
23  leaf  76. 


THE   PKOPHISIES    OF    RTMOUR,    BEID,    AND    MABLYNG. 


53 


A  crosse  of  gowles  therm  Mid  be  j1 

he  carpyd  wordes  cruell  &  kene, 
And  shoke  a  shafte  of  a  suer  tree ; 

2 1  blent  wele  f order  apon  a2  grene  : 
A  nother  armyd  knyght  I  see, 

In  his  crest  he  bare,  I  wene, 
A  Eede  lyon  that  did  rawmpyng  be ; 

he  spake  wordes  cruell  &  kene         60 
to  that  other3  that  was  hym  by. 

This  crowned  quene  rode  them  betwene, 

Right  as  fast  as  she  colde4  hie, 
She  saith,  '  men  what  do  you  meane  1 

stente  jour  Stryff  &  jour  folly e,      64 
Remember  that  ye5  be  sayntes  in  heven ; 

and  fro  my  dere  son  comen  am  I 
to  take  this  ffelde  you  [twoo]  betwene. 

whereuer   yt   shall6  fall   in  7burghe 
or  bye.'7  68 

8  She  said  '  Seint  G[e]orge  thow  art  my 

knyght 

oft  wronge  heyres  haue  done  the  tene ; 
Seint  Andrew  yet  9  art  thow  in  the 9 

right, 

of  thy  men  if  it  be  syldom  sene.10   72 

here  [dye]  shall  many  a  doughty  knyght, 

And   gromes    shall   grone   apon   yat 

grene, 

here  lordly  leedes  loo  shall  lyght,        75 
And  many  a  douty  knyght  by  dene.11 

here  shalbe  gladismore  that  shall  glad 
vs  all, 

yt  shalbe  gladyng  of  oure  glee ; 
yt12  shalbe  gladmore  wher  euer  yt  fall, 

but  not  gladmore  by  the  see.  80 

13ouer  cache  more13  a  coke  shall  crowe, 

of[ter]  tymes14  then  tymes  thre, 
In  the  thirde  yere  a  ferly  shall  fall,     83 

At  yermes15  broke  a  kynge  shall  dye.' 


This  crowned  quene  vanyshed  awaye 

with  her  companey  of  Angilles  bright, 
so  dide  both  these  knyghtes  that  day ; 

no  more  1 16sawe  them16  in  my  sight, 
to  a17  lytell  man  I  toke  my  waye,  89 

I18  prayed  hym  with  mayn  &  myght, 
19  more  of  this  matier  he  wold  me  saye ; 

he  answered  me  with  reason20  Right : 

'  I  21wyll  the  tylle21  with  trew  Intent, 

but  I  haue  no  space  to  bide  with  the, 
To  tell  the  [the]  trouth  in  varament 

what  shall  fall  &22  gladismore  be.   96 
dissencion  amonges  yowr23  lordes  shalbe 
lent, 

of  them  that  are  of  blode  full  nye, 
where  many  a  man  shall  their  be  shent, 

And  doughtyly  in  batell  dye.         100 

Charyty  shalbe  layed  awaye, 

That  ryffe  in  londe  hath  been ; 
Come  shall  tene  and  tray, 

This  man  can  melle  &  mene.  104 
those24  that  love[s]  well  to-day 

belyve  25  shall  tray  &  tene,25 
In  batell 26 shall  barons26  them  araye 

Right  doughtely27  by  dene.  108 

gret  batell[es]  in  Englond  men  shall  see, 

be  yt  wronge  or  Right ; 
The  sone  ageinst  the  father  shalbe, 

Right  frussely28  to  ffyght.  112 

29  then  shall  truth  be  banysshed   ouer 
the  see, 

And  falle  [bothe]  mayn  and  myght ; 
then  shall  falcede30  and  envy 

bio  we31  their  homes  on  high[t].  116 
This  shall  Reigne  vnto  the  space 

of  xxxti  yeres  and  thre ; 
In  Englond  shalbe  la[k]ke  of  grace, 

So  much  treson  shall  be.  120 


I  dyd  see 

6 


!-2  &  past  fforwarde  vppon  the          3  other  buron 
4  ther  6  om.  7-7  L.  bought  or  by  8  leaf  76,  back. 

10  This  line  omitted  in  R.  u  These  four  lines  omitted  in  R. 

is—is  on  Cachemore         14  ofter         15  yernea         l6— I6  see  them         I7  that 

19  leaf  77.         20  reason  and         81~21  wolde  tell  the         22  or 
85-25  shalbe  traied  by  teene  26~26  buryns  shall  27  dulfully 

20  leaf  77,  back.        30  falshede        3I  L.  browe 


4  might 
thou  art  In 
12  \>er 


and 

om.         24  these 
28  fercelye  ffor 


54 


APPENDIX   II. 


A  kynge   shall  reigne   without  Eight- 
wysnes, 

And  put  downe  blod  full  hye ; 
Another  shalbe  lost  for  fawlte  of  grace, 

To  here  shalbe  [grett]  petye.          124 

yet  shall  deth  haue  a  dynt 

In  1  tor[na]ment  and  fyght;1 
he  that  hath  ynglond  hent 

2  shalbe  made  lowe  in  leght.2          128 
3 Then  wenis  men3  that  ware  shall  stynt, 

but  yt  Eyseth  new  on  hight ; 
Then  shall  ij  prynces  harnes  hent, 

with  treason)  ther  dedys  be  dyght.  132 

wrongwise  werkes  lokes  after  wrake 

with  4clerkes  on-wissely4  wrought; 
Seint  Bede  in  booke  did  make 

5  When  the  proffycies  was  sought,  136 
that  god  he  will  vengyance  take, 

when  all  Englond  is  on  lofte ; 
A  duke  shall  suffer  for  their  sake, 

which  he  to  dede  hath  brought.     140 

when  euery  [man]  wenys  that  ware  is 
goone, 

And  Eest  and  pese  shall  be, 
Then  shall  entre  at  Mylford  haven 

vpon  a  horse  of  tree  144 

A  banyshed  barone6  that  is  borne 

of  brutes  blode  shalbe ; 
through  helpe  of  a[n]  Egyll  an-one 

he  shall  broke  all7  bretayne  to  the  see. 

be  side  bosworth  a  felde  shalbe  pight,8 

ther  mete  shall  bores  two, 
of  dyuerse  colors  shalbe  dight ; 9 

the  one  shall  the  other  sloo.  152 

A  hartes  hed  with  tenes10  bright 

shall  werke  his  armes11  woo; 
The  white  bore  [to  dethe]  shalbe  dight : 

The  profficies  saith  soo.  156 


12  After  Lordes  shall  to  London  Eide 

That  mykyll  is  of  prise  ;13 
A  parliament  shalbe  sett  that  tyde, 

and  chose  a  kynge  at  ther  devisse.  160 
euery  man  of  englond  large  &  wyde 

14wene[s]  they  ar  sett  of  pryce,14 
yet  he  shalbe  called  in  that  tyde 

the  kynge  of  covetyse.15  164 

when  sonday  goth  by  B  and  C, 

And  pryme  by  one16  and  two, 
the[n]  selcouthe[s]  men  shall  see, 

that  seme  not  to  be  soo.  168 

Barnes17  in  batell  shall  brednet18  be, 

And  barors 19  of  blod  full  bloo ; 
the  iiij*!1  lefe  of  the  tree  shall  dye, 

that  lost  hath  bowes  moo.  172 

A  ffedder  from  heth  shall  falle  in  hast, 

his  name  shall  torne  to  a20  tree  : 
21dulfull  dede  shall  women  wast,21 

22  And  make  folke  to  felde  flee.22    176 
Tray  tors  shall  towers  tast, 

And  doughtlesse  be  done  to  dye ; 
All  London  shall  trymble  in  hast,     179 

23  A  dede  kynge  when  they  shall24  see. 

A  prynce   shall   bowne    [hym]    ouer   a 
node, 

Oner  25  a  streme  straye  : 25 
those  that  were  neuer  of  Consciens  good 

shall  breke  truse  on  a  daye.  184 

Mekyll  26care  barnes  brues ; 26 

when  they  cast  there  truthes  awaye ; 
then  in  englonde  men  shall  here  newes, 

And  A  kynge  slaine  on  a  day.        188 


betwene  a  traytise  of  trust,27 

with  a  ffalse  assent, 
A  castell  sone  shall  lost  be 

Apon  a  Eyver  [in]  varament. 


192 


'— l  turn ame»t  off  ffight 
— 3  R.  then  men  weneth  ;  L.  then  wyns  men 

6  buron         7  otn.         8  L.  piched 
12  leaf  78,  back.  13  L.  pryde 

15  L.  covitous         16  iij         17  burons 
21  — *'  dulfull  dedes  shall  warnes  waste         22— 2a 


2-2  shall  make  hym  lowe  to  light 
1  werkes,  R.  dedes  vnwisely 


the  stremes  staye 


5  leaf  78. 

9  L.  Right         10  tynes         "  enemyes 
14  R.  thinke  they  be  sett  att  prise  ;  L.  pryde 

18  beyton         19  barons         ™  otn. 
make  ffolk^s  to  ftelles  to  fflye        23  leaf  28. 


bale  burons  bruen 


truse 


THE    PROPHISIES    OF   RYMOUR,   BEID,    AND    MARLYNG. 


55 


[betwen)  Seyton)  &  the  see 

then)  shalbe  warre  In  veremewt,] 

And  many  a  towne  brent  shalbe 

!when  ware  is  with  assent.1  196 

2  then  shall  wacone  woo  &  wrothe3 

and  barnys  to  batell  shalbe  bowne  :4 
their  shall  com  oner  the  water  of5   forth 

wele  arrayed  in  golde,  a  rede  lyon;  200 
with  many  a  lorde  out  of  the  North, 

for  to  bete  their  enymys  downe. 
mikell6  blode  with  hym  7&  broth7 

shalbe  spyllyd  vpon  [bentis  browne].8 

9  out  of  the  south  shall  entre  Right 

a  whyt  lyon  [vppjon)  a  daye, 
ageinst  the  Rede  lyon  for  to  fyght ;  207 

but  their  shall  begyne  a  dulfull  fraye. 
their  shall  dye  many  a  doughty  knyght, 

And  ladys  [shalle]  crye  welle  awaye  ! 
Men  of  the  chirch  shall10  fiersly  fyght, 

•with  shaft  and  shelde  them  to11  asaye: 

Est  and  west,  north  and  south, 

shall  12some  Ryall12  in  their  araye : 
At  mylnefylde  they  shall  splaye  banars 

couth 

Ageinst  the  Rede  lyon  that  day.    216 
they  shall  begyne  at  yerne^mowth, 
many  a  Ryall13  knyght  in  fay ; 
14 Many  a  doughty14  that  day  be  put  to 

deth; 

A[tt]    flodden    felde    begynnys    the 
afraye :  220 

15Att  Branstone15  hill   shall   semble   a 
herd, 

and  bright  baners  shall  dysplaye ; 
And  many  frekes  shalbe  a-ferde,16 

and  fewe  to  bere  the17  lyff  away.  224 


those  that  is  brede  of  vncouthe  erde 
shall  doubtlesse  lese  they[r]  lyrYes  jat 
day  : 

18 The  Rede  Lyon  was  neuer  a  ferde,  227 
he  shall19  doubtlesse  dy20  that  day. 

A  beme  full  21burle  shall  ther21  blowe 

vnder  a  montayne  apon  a  lee  ; 
A  splayd  egle  that  men  do  know 

shall  make  a  C  standertes  [swe].22  232 
ther  shall  frekes  full  frely  fall, 

and  of  them  he  shall  wyne  the  mon- 
tane hie ; 
doutye  knyghtes  shall  clype23  &  call,  235 

and  many  a  man  that  day  shall  dye. 

A  bull  &  a  bastarde  together  [shalle] 

mete, 

shall  fyght  in  fylde  full  manfully ; 
the  Rede  blode  shall  rone  as  rayne  in 

strete, 

and  many  a  doughty  that  day  shall 
dye.  240 

the  Rede  lyon  made  shalbe  full  meke, 
and  come  downe  from  a  mountayne 

hye; 

belyve  be  [ffallen  downe]24  vnderfete 
and  in  yerne}  broke  slayne  shall  he25 
be.  244 

A  white  lyon  shall  kepe  a  stale, 

An  admyrall  shall  come  from  the  see, 
And  make26  his  enymys  27for  to  fall,27 

And  dryve  them  to  the  mountayn  hye : 
their  shal  be-gyn  a  dulfull  swale,       249 

when  the  Albenackes28  blod  begyn- 

nyth  to  fle ; 

29  they  shall  be  dreven)   downe  into  a 
dale,30 

ther  fayrest  flower  [ther]  lost  shalbe. 


1-1  and  warre  shall  waken  In  violent 
2  K.  inserts  as  first  line  of  stanza  :  That  many  a  wiffe  shall  wydoo  ben 


5  L.  at       6  L.  Muche 

9  leaf  79,  back. 
14— 14  and  many          l 
19  shalbe  20  dede 

21  L.  failed,  ?  fouled 


ys  broghte 


11 


orthe       4  L.  bounde 
L.  a  bent  of  brome  (this  line  is  omitted  in  E.) 


selffe 


ojn. 
L.  on 

21--1  borle  ther  shall 


12-12  semble  rially          I3  doughtye 
16  L.  a-frayde          "  ther          18  leaf  80. 


22  L.  to  shake  &  swaye  M  clepe 

25  om.         26  doo         27-27  mekell  bale         28  almanak^s  [!] 
29  leaf  80,  back.  30  This  line  is  omitted  in  R. 


APPENDIX    II. 


the   mowle1  and  the  2mayre   mayden 
shall  be  layed  awaye,2 

and  shalbe  done  dulfully  to  dye ; 
The  golde  anker  shalbe  slayne  that  day, 

So  shall  the  besand3  with  the  beres 
thre;4  256 

A  white  lyon  in  5armyn  graye5 

shall  fyght  that  day  full  manfully, 
to  helpe  the  Egell  [in]  all  he  maye,  259 

And  make  his  enymys  fayne  to  fle.6 

the  day  shall  fayle7  both  leine  &  light, 

the  nyght  shall  entre  vpon  them  tho, 
their  enymys  ther  [shalbe]  put  to  flyght 

with  blody  woundes  &  hartes  woo.  264 
then  shall  they  cry  &  call  on  hight, 

vnfaithfull8  f rendes  that  9are  goo  ;9 
their  shall  mysse  manye  a  Eyall  knyght 

that  gladly  to  that  ffelde  dyd  goo.  268 

on  morow  the  day  shalbe  full  bright. 

the  people  shall  asemble  fare  in  fere, 

soin  with  hevy  hartes  &  som  with  ligh[t] ; 

who  fyndes  his  frynde[s]  shall  'make 

good  chere.  272 

10  But  the  Eede  lyon  nto  dede  shalbe11 

dight, 

and  by  the  adwise  of  a  woman  clere 
ther  shall  they  fynde  hym  sone12  full 

Eight, 

or  elle^  13they  wiste  nott13  which  he 
were,  276 

then  leyve14  every  lorde  shall  take, 

and    bowne15    them    home    to    their 

contry, 
som  with  weale,  &  som  with  wrake,  279 

who  that  haue  lost  their  frendes  fre. 
but  the  rede  lyon,  wele  I  wot, 

to  London  towne  browght  shalbe ; 
the  whit  lyon  shall  grath  his  gate      283 

and  to  London  [shallt?]  cary  that  fre. 


then  ther  shall  happen  such  a  chauns ; 

the  prynce  that  is  beyonde  the  flode 
two  townes  shall  take  that  longe16  to 
Fraunce,  287 

with  lytyll  shedyng  of  Crysten)  blod ; 
boldely  his  people  he  shall  avaunce, 

and  nother  spare  for  golde  ne  good. 
bredlynton)17  this  profficy  graunte?,  291 

and  so  did  bede  that  well  vndirstoud. 

when  euery  man  said  yt  shulde  be  were,18 

Arsaldowne19  then  proficied  he, 
And  said  in  englond  20y  not  dere20  295 

21  tyll  vij  yere  com)  and  goan)  shulde  be. 
In  hast  ther  shall22  a  messynger 

In  Albanack23  from  ouer  the  see, 
that  many  a  man  shall  suffer  dere 

th[r]ought  his  falsed  and  sotylty.  300 

A  childe  -with  a  chaplet  shall  raye  hym 
right, 

with  many  a  hardy  man  of  hande, 
with  many  a  helme  that  clyderith24  bright 

And  he  shall  com  ouer  soelway  sand ; 
on  25stanys  more  begyn  to25  fyght,    305 

wher  lordes  shall  light  vpon  that  londe, 
And  26aske  Nothing26  but  his  Eight, 

yet  shall  his  enymys  hym  with  stand. 

holly  chirch  shall  harnys  hent, 

and  iij  yeres  stonde  on  stere, 
mete  &  fyght  vpon  a  bent, 

Even  as  the[y]  seculers  were.         312 
the  Euif  shall  Euffully  be  Eent, 

And  stond  in  grete  daunger, 
vnto  the  synne  of  Simony  be  shent 

that  they  haue  vsed  here.  316 

A  kinge27  of  Denmarke  shall  hym  dyght 

28  Into  Englond  vpon  a  day, 
[bat]  shall  make  many  a  lorde  low29  to 

lyght, 

And  ladyes30  to  say  wele  away  !    320 


3  bason 
9-9 


4  L.  ther  ;  E.  om.  beres  thre 
is  agoo         10  leaf  81.         "—  n 


1  mule     *—  2  mairemedon  shalbe  awaye 

6  fflye  -       7  ffade         8  on  feithffull 
12  om.        13  L.  not  wyt        H  L.  lyvye 

18  warre         19  L.  Arsedowne 

23  Almanake        24  gliderethe        25-25  Stanesmore  begywnethe  the 
37  Duke  out.   L.  had  also  originally  duike         28  leaf  82.         29  full  lowe 


5—  5  harnes  gaye 
vnto  dede  is 

L.  Bounde        I6  L.  belongeth        17  Bridlynton  to 
20-20  itt  shulde  not  deire         21  leaf  81,  back.         22  is 

26—  26  askethe  noo  thyng 
30  many  a  ladye 


THE   PROPHISIES   OF   RYMOUR,    BEID,    AND   MARLYNG. 


57 


then  frekys  in  felde  shall  frely  fyght ; 

A  kynge  shall  com  out  of  Norway ; 
The  blake  flet  with  mayn  and  myght 

their    enymys    full x    boldly    shall 2 


asay. 


324 


In  bretayn  londe  shalbe  a  knyght, 

on)  them  shall  make  a  felon)  fray, 
A  bytter  bere  with  mayn  and  myght  327 

shall  brynge  a  Ryall  Rowt  that  day. 
ther   3  shall   dy3   many  a    [stalworthe] 
knyght, 

And  dryve  them  to  [the]  flodes  graye ; 
they  shall  losse  both  sayle  &  syght,4 

And  a  crowned  kynge  be  slayne  that 
day.  332 

then   shall  the  North  Ryse  ageinst  ye 
south, 

And  the  est  ageinste  the  west : 
care  in  contry  shalbe  couthe,5 

vntyll  couytyce  downe  be  caste.    336 
out  of  a  dene  shall  drawe  a  wolf 

Right  Radly  in  that  rest, 
And  he6  shall  come  in  at  the  south, 

And  bett  downe  of  the  best.  340 

7 on   sondysforth   shall  this7  sorow  be 
sene, 

8  9on  the  south  syde  vpon  a  monday  ;9 
The[r]  gromes  shall  grone  vpon  a  grene, 

besyde  the  greues10  graye.  344 

their  standith  a  castell  on)  a  montayn 
clene — 

thus  Arsalldoune11  did  saye — 
which  shall  do  there  enymys  tene, 

and  save  englond  that  day.  348 

to  gethers  ther  shall  mete  with  banars 
bright 

crowned  kynges  tnre, 
And  hew  on  other  with  mayne  and  myght, 

tyll  one  of  them  slayne  shalbe.      352 


the  blake  flet  of  Norway  shall  take  y^1 

flyght, 

And  be  full  fayne  to  flee  ; 
they   shalbe   dreven   ouer  12Rockes   & 

clyffes,12 
And  many  one  drowned  shalbe.     356 

they  shall  flee  in  the  salt  strond,13 

fer  forthe  in14  the  fome  : 
xxu  thowsand  without  dynt  of  hand, 

shall  losse  their  lyves  ylke  one.     360 
A  darf  15  dragon,  I  vnderstonde, 

shall  come  yet  over  the  fome, 
And     with     hym     bryng     a     Eyall 
baunde/6 

ther  lyves  shall  yet  be  lorne.         364 

this  darf15  dragon,  I  vnderstond, 

that  comyth  oner  the  flodefs]  browne, 
17  when  his  tayle  is  in  Irelond, 

his  hede  shalbe  in  staiford  towne  ;  368 
he  shall  so  boldly  bryng  his  bonde,18 

thynkyng  to  wyn  Renowne  ; 
beside  a  welle  ther  is  a  stronde19 

ther  he  shall  be  beten  downe.        372 

on  Snapys  more  they  shal  be-gyne, 

these  doughty  men  &  dere, 
with  sterne  stedes  together  thring,20 

and  hew  on  helmes  clere.  376 

an  Egyll  shall  mount  without  lettyng 

and  freshely  fyght  in21  fere, 
and  in  a  ford  [shalle]  kyll  a  kynge  ; 

thus  mrtrlyon)22  said  in  fere.23        380 

knyghtes  shall  rydd24  in  ryche  araye, 

and  hew  on  25  helmes  bright  :25 
a  gerfacon)  shall  mounte  that  day,      383 

and  iij  26merlyon[s]  fers  of  flyght.26 
on  gladmore,  I  dare  well  say, 

dye  shall  many  a  knyght  ; 
who  shall  bere  the  gree27  away 

no  sege  can  rekyne2^  right.  388 


om. 


om, 


2  ffor  to          3-8  dye  shall          4  ffight          3  L.  wroght 

7— 7  on  the  Southe  side  Sondiforde  shall  8  leaf  82,  back. 

9-9  vppon  a  murcday  In  the  mornings  gaye  10  grayves  n  L.  arsedowne 

12-12  Rocke  &  Cliffe         13  strounde         M  on         15  derffe         l6  L.  bownde         l7  leaf  83. 

bande         19  fforde         20  L  therin         21  on         22  msrlyn         23  prophesye         24  counter 

27  L.  gere        28  L.  reke  a 


. 
25_25  helmettes  clere        26~23  marleons  In  ffere 


58 


APPENDIX    II. 


the  egyll  shall  so  wery  be 

for  fyghtynge,  as  I  wene, 
he  wyll  take  1an  Ilande1  in  the  see, 

wher  2herbes  is  ffaire  &  alsoo  grene;2 
3  then  shall  mete  hym  a  faire  Lady,  393 

she  shall  speke  with  voice  so  clene : 
'helpe  thy  men?ze  Right  hardely4 

loke  where  they  dye  in  batelles  kene  ! ' 

then  shall  this  egyll  buske  with  pride, 

th[r]  ought  counsell  of  this  faire  lady, 
entre  5in  [on]  euery  side,5  399 

make  xxw  standertes  6for  to  swey.6 
A  ra??ipyng  lyon,  mekyll  of  pride, 

In  syluer  sett  with  Armyn)7  free, 
shall  helpe  the  egyll  in  that  tyde, 

where  shall  many  a  doughty  dye.  404 

In  a  forest  stondith8  Ookes  thre, 

In  a  fryth  all  by  ther  one ; 
beside  a  hedlesse  crosse  of  tree 

A  well  shall  Ronne  of  blode  alone.  408 
Marlyori)  said  in  his  profecy 

that  in  9 their  stondith9  a  stone  : 
A  crowned  kynge  shall  heddid  be 

And10  to  losse  his  lyife  alone.        412 

The  egyll  shall  fyersly  fyght  that  day— 

to  hym  shall  draw  hys  frendes  nere  ;n 
a  Reu?zaunde12  hounde,  withoute  delaye, 

shall  13brynge  the  chace13  both  fere  & 
nere.  416 

barnes14  shall  on  helmettes  laye 

15doubtfull  dyntes  on  sides  sere; 
twis  for  sworne,  I  dare  well  say, 

ther  song  shalbe  on)  sorow  ther.16  420 

the  derf  dragon  shall  dye  in  fight, 

the  bere  shall  holde  his  hede  on)  high ; 

A  wyld  wolf  low  shall  light ; 

the  brydelyd  stede  shall  manfully  424 


In  felde  ageinst  his  enymes  fight, 

the  dowble  flowre  maynteyn  shall  he  ; 

a  swane  shall  Swymne  with  mayn  and 

myght ; 
this  bede  saith  in  his  profecy.        428 

The  bull  of  westmerlande  shall  bell  & 
bere, 

the  boldest  best  in  varament ; 
he  shall  afterward  without  were         431 

be  made  lustice  from  tyne17  to  trent. 
a  bastard  shall  do  dedys  dere, 

the  fox  he  shall  in  handes  hent, 
the   ffullemarte 18   shalbe   disfigured    in 
fere, 

what  side  soeuer  he  be  [on]  lent.  436 

then  shall  the  egyll  calle  on  hight,19 

and  say  this  fylde  is  our20  to  day; 
then  shall  aliens  take  their  flyght, 

their  songe  shalbe  wele  awaye  !      440 
the  duble  Rose  shall  laughe  21  full  Right, 

And  bere  the  gre  for  euer  &  aye, 
when  false  men)  shall  take  ther  flyght, 

as  arse[l]down22  hymself  did  say.    444 

then  spake  the23  holly  man  that  men 
called24  Bede— 

In  profecy  saith  [he]  in  fere  : 
A  childe  with  a  chaplet  shall  do  a  dede 

25That  is  doughtye  &  deere  ;25       448 
In  handes  he  shalbe  take[n]  at  nede, 

and  brought  to  his  blode  full  nere. 
he  shalbe  saved  that  day  from  drede 

with  a  prynce  that  hath  no  pere ;  452 

And  26of  that  barne  he  shall  haue  grete26 
pety 

[that]  tyll  hym  is  leve27  &  dere ; 
And  afterward,  in  proffecy 

as  clerkes  sayne28  in  fere,  456 


l~ l  L.  in  Irelonde         2— 2  L.  herkes  ar  faire  &  ale  is          3  leaf  83,  back.          4  egerlye 

5— 5  shall  In  on  the  Southe  side  6— 6  to  fflee  7  hermene  8  stands 

9— 9  the  fforde  ther  stands         10  &  ther         n  neere         12  ravand<?         13— 13  ring  the  shawes 

14  burons         1S  leaf  84.         16  here         17  L.  tyme         18  L.  fyluer  or  syluer 


R.  heght ;  L.  high 


owres 


L.  that  doughty  dere  &  fere 


L.  lought         22  Arsaldoune 


om. 


leefe 


23  that 

28 


24  calks 


saye 


THE    PROFH1SIES    OF    RYMOUR,    BEIB,   AND   MARLYNG. 


he  shall  Rayne  in1  Ryaltye 

v  &  fyfty  yere. 

then   2of  them   lordes   shall   a2    coun- 
sell  be 

that  doughty  are3  &  dere.  460 

when  all  this  is  comprehended  to4  ende, 

than  men  may  bide  &  blyne ; 
to  London  then5  lordes  shall  wende 

yrith  that  Eyall6  kynge.  464 

7  then  all  wares  is  brought  to  ende 

[that]  hath  been  englonde  within  ; 
8Suche  a8  grace  god  shall  send, 

[that]  exyled  shalbe  all  sjnne.        468 

then  A  parliament  he  shall  make, 

that  kynge  of  high  degre  : 
9truse  In9  englond  shalbe  take 

with  his  blod  full  nye.  472 

then  10goo  shall  ware10  &  wyked  wrake 

that  longe  in  englonde  hath  be, 
then  shall  all  sorow  in  englond  slake 

this  saith  the  profecye.  476 

then11   the   blake   dett   of    Norway   is 
cowmyrc12  &  gone, 

And  drenchid  in  the  13flode  truly;13 
Mekelle14  ware  hath  bene  beforne, 

but  after  shall  none  be  ;  480 

then  shall  truth  blow  his  home 

truly  lowde  and  hye  ;15 
he  shall  Reigne  both  even  &  morne,  483 

And  ffalshed  16shalle  banisshed  be.16 

•then  shall  this  kyng  a  protector  make — 

his  cosyn  of  his  kynne ; 
then  the  farre17  node  he  shall  take, 

vncouthe  londes  to  wyne,  488 

for  to  fyght  for  lesus18  sake, 

19  that  dyed  for  all  our  synne, 
And  he  shall  worke  them  woo  and  wrake, 

or  euer  he  byde  or  blyne.  492 


at  bareflet20  he  shall  do  battellc*  thre — 

this  prmce  of  mekyl21  myght, 
And  to  parys  wend  shall  he 

with  many  a  doughty  knyght.        496 
ther  shall  they  yelde  hym  vp  the  kaye22 

of  all  the  Citie  wyght, 
[And]  vnto  Rome  wend  shall  he 

with  many  A  doughty  knyght.       500 

The  pope  of  rome  with  prossession 

shall  mete  hym  the23  same  day, 
And  all  the  cardynalles  shalbe  bowne24 

In  their  best  araye.  504 

Ther  shall  knele  iij  kinges  with  crowne, 

and  homage  make  that  day, 
And  many  of  the  spmYuall  of  Rome 

shall  brynge  hym  on  the  waye.      508 

to  the  woodes25  then  shall  he  Ryde — 

this  comly  kynge  with  crowne, 
And  wyn  his  enymys  on  euery  side, 

And  boldely  bete  them  downe.      512 
Ther  shall  advaile26  no  erthly  pn'de 

in  castell,  towre,  ne  towne, 
but  geve  they  warkyng  wondes  wyde, 

27 who23    ageinst    hym    in    batell    is 
bowne.28  516 

then  to  Iherusalem  this  prince29  shall  fare 

as  conqueror  of  myght 
vij  mortalle30  batelles  shall  he   wynne 
there 

And  the  turkes  to  dede  shall  dight.  520 
[then  to  the  sepulcre  shalle  he  ffare 

To  see  that  gratious  sight, 
where  cryst  ffor  vs  suffred  sare31 

when  he  to  dethe  was  dight.]         524 

All  the  Citie  of  Iherusalem 

shall  a-Raye  them  with  Ryalte, 

And  for  to  fyght  shalbe  [fulle]  fayne 
vpon  the  heithen  meynye.  528 


6  noble         7  leaf  85. 
when         12  L.  compis 


1  In  welthe  &         2  shall  lordes  off         3  is         4  to  an         5  these 
8-8  And  suche         9-9  L.  the  ruffin         10-10  shall  goo  woo         " 

13-13  fifome  so  ffree         H  L.  much         1S  L.  hight         16-16  L.  shalbe  vanyshed  awaye 

17  faire         18  lesu         19  leaf  85,  back.         20  harefleete         21  L.  mylke     '    22  L.  kynge 

23  that         24  L.  bound         25  Rodes         26  L.  avale  them         27  leaf  86.         28  L.  bownd 

29  L.  parrys        30  L.  Mortye        31  MS.  sore 


60 


APPENDIX    II. 


To  Synay  that  p?-mce  shall  bowne  anone, 
wher  seint  Kateryn  doth  beryed  be  \ 

vij  hethen)  kynges  ther  shalbe  slayne, 
that  sight  or  euer  he  [se]1  532 

xxxij 2  batelles  that  crowned  kynge 

shall  wyn,  I  vnderstonde, 
[and]   then   the   holly  crosse   he   shall 
wyne, 

And  bryng  yt  into  criston  lande.   536 
In  hast  their  3 shall  seme3  to  hym, 

that  dare  not  him  wit/zstonde ; 
xxxij2  hethen  kynges 

he  shall  cristeu  with  his  hand.       540 

he  shall  send  this  rich  Eelycke  to  Eome, 

to  that  worthy  wones  : 
All  the  belles,  I  tell  you  sone, 

they  shall  rynge  [alle]  at  ons ;        544 
the  pope4  shall  mete  yt  wit/a  prosses- 
siouw, 

5 And6   all    the   cardynalles  for   the 

nones, 
And  all  the  senators  of  Rome 

shall  knele  on  knes  at  ons.  548 

then  towardes7  Iherusalem  this  kynge 
shall  hie 

with  many  a  crysten  wight, 
In  the  vale  of  losephate  yer8  shall  he 
dye 

without  batell  or  fyght.  552 

xxiiij  9  kynges  that  do  crystened  be 

shall  take  that 10  worthy  wight, 
[and]  brynge  hym  to  Rome  Right  hastely 

before  the  popes11  sight.  556 

all  the  belles  of  Rome  at  one[s], 

ye12  shall  wele  vnderstond, 
they  shall  rynge  withyn.  those13  wones 

without  helpe  of  manrces  hand.      560 


the  pope  shall  bowne  [hym]  to  bery  his 

bones 
in  seint  peter[}]  mynster  wher  yt  doth 

stonde, 

14  All  that  clerkes  [of  Rome]  that  ons14 
Shall  not  styre  that  bere15  with  hand. 

then  the  pope,  with  many  a  kynge 

and  cardenalles  grete  plenty, 
to  the  citie  of  Colyne  they  shall  hym 
brynge, 

where  ther  lyes  kynges  three,         568 
that  offred  to  lesu  a  ryche  thinge16 

that  nyght  he  borne  did  be, 
17bethelem  that  burghe17  withyn), 

18of  aMaydenfree.  572 

Than  balthaser  shall  speke  on  heght19 

and  say  to  20Melchore  in  fere  : 20 
*  Make  a  rome,  curteys  knyght, 

21  our  f ourt  f elo w  21  is  here. '  576 

A  grete22  of  golde  hath  Rased23  in  sight, 

vpon  a  good  maner, 
And  ther  they  shall  bery  this  worthi  wight 

betwene  thes  kynges  dere.  580 

the  pope24  shall  25 grave  hym25  with  his 
hond 

trewly,  this  holly  kynge, 
And  all  the  lordes  of  faire  englond 

he  shall  geve  them  his  blessinge.  584 
They  shall  bowne26  ouer  [the]  stalworth 
strond 

Fayre  englond  withjn ; 
Many  shall  wayle  &  wryng  ther  hande27 

when  they  here  that  tydynge.28      588 

[then]  he   that  was   protector  englond 
withyn 

hath  wrought  so  wordely,29 
In  London  they  [shalle]  cro wne  hym  kyn  ge 

with  gret  solempnytie.  592 


1  MS.  be       2  Two  and  thritte       3-3  shall  be  sworne 
5  leaf  86,  back.         6  with         7  to         fi  01 


4  pope  offe  Rome  [pope  crossed  through"] 

9  ffoure  &  thrittye         10  this 
11  Crossed  through  in  R.         12  yow         13  this         14— 14  butt  all  the  clerks  of  Rome  tlm  ones 

15  beere          16  relike          17-17  In  Betheleme  that  riall  borough          18  leaf  87. 
19  L.  high         20-ao  Melcheser  in  ffeere         21-21  our  ffourthe  brother         22  grate         23  resyd 
24  Crossed  through  in  R.         25—25  iaye.in  grave         x  bowne  them         27  L. 
28  R.  tithing ;  L.  tydyng^s  ^  worthelye 


THE   PROPHISIES    OF   RYMOUR,    BEID,    AND    MARLYNG. 


Cl 


And  so  noble  shalbe  ^is  reigne, 
In  tyme  when  yt2  shalbe, 

3lv  yere3  Englond  with  yn, 
so  long  his  Kayne  shalbe. 


596 


than  shall  falshede  be  vanyshed  away4 

5  and  trouth  shalbe  redy 
trew  men  both  by  nyght  &  day 

shall  lyve  in  chary  tie  600 

dayly,  me6  thynke,  we  ought  to  pray 

to  god  in  trynytie, 
for7  to  exele  all  vickednes  away8 

pray  we  [vn]to  our  lady  604 

I  prayfed]  this  littell  man  in  fere 

that  he  wolde  truly  [vtito]  me  say, 
when  shall 9  this  ende  witftout[en]  were, 

or  when  shall  come  that  day  ?        608 
he  said,  '  a  long  tyme  thow  boldest  me 

but  yet  I  wyll  the  say,  [here, 

of  yt10  I  shall  not  fayle  a11  yere, 

And  thow  12wylt  take  hede12  what  I 
say: —  612 


In    the    yere    of    our    lorde,    I   vnder- 
stonde, 

13xvc  yere,13 
&  one  and  thirty  folowand, 

all  this  shall  apere ;  616 

14the  crosse  in14  cristen  men?zes  hande,15 

that  is  worth  i  and  dere, 
yt  shalbe  brought  I  vnderstond 

to  Rome  16wythouten  were.10         620 

betwene  the  walcoen  &  the  wall 

this  lytyll  man  mett  with  me, 
17tolde  me  this  proffecy  all, 

And  what  tyme  it  shulde  be.          624 
god  that  dranke  esell  &  gall 

and  for  vs  dyed  on  a  tree, 
when  he  thynketh  tyme  to  tall, 

to  heven  bryng  you  &  me  !   Amen. 

Explicis  proficia  Yenerabilis 
bede,  Marlionis,  Thome  Asslaydon) 
et  Aliorum 


2  thys 


1-1  thys  realme 

6  L.  my  o 

12-12  take  good  hede 
15  L.  haudes  16-16  L.  wit/tout  ware ;  E  adds, 


3—3  ffyve  &  ffyf  tye  yeres         4  ffor  aye         5  leaf  87,  hack. 
>.         8  ffor  aye         9  L.  inserts  all         10  that         "  on 
13—  13  ffyffetene  himdreth  In  ffere         14~  14  The  hollye  cross  In-to 


finis,  and  ends  here. 


17  leaf  88. 


The  Lansdowne  MS,  762  also  contains,  among  a  collection  of  short  prophetical 
notes,  the  following  of 

THOMAS  OF  ERCELDOUNE. 

leaf  49,  lack. 

Thomas  of  Ashledon  sayth  the  fadem  of  the  modem  church  /  shall  cause  the 
Roses  bothe  to  dye  in  his  Avne  fonte  ther  /  he  was  cristened. 

leaf  50. 

Thomas  of  Asheldon  sayeth  the  egle  of  the  /  trewe  brute  shall  see  all  inglond 
in  peas  &  rest  /  both  spirituall  and  temporall ;  and  euery  estate  of  /  in  thaire  degre 
and  the  maydens  of  englonde  /  bylde  your  howses  of  lyme  and  stone. 


62 


APPENDIX    III. 


AN  ENGLISH  PROPHECY 

OP 

GLADSMOOK,  SANDISFOBD,  AND  SEYTON  AND  THE  SEYE, 

PREDICTED    OP    1553. 

[Sloane  2578,  leaves  38  b — 41.] 

The  begynniwge  of  wanes  &  myschef  in  england  as  Bede  saiethe  is  anno  dommi 
1553.  The  first  battell  shalbe  fowght  betwin  englishe  men  &  the  scottes  with 
ye  frenchmen  on  jer  company  at  Somerhill  beside  Newecastell  (the  battell  shalbe 
sore1)  the  scottes  &  frenchemen  shall  ouercom,  scape  who  that  maye,  vntill  a  newe 
yeare.  H  The  next  yeare  after  this  battell,  shall  Philip  of  Spayne  com  in  with  a  greate 
hoste  betwin  Seyton  &  the  seye,  beside  Westcheschester,2  and  at  a  Skyrmyshe 
there  shalbe  slaine  5000  on  bothe  parties.  Then  shall  thei  mete  with  jer  greate 
battelles  at  Gladismore  we  &  they,  &  there  shall  our  nobles  fyght  so  greate  a 
battell  with  them  that  it  shalbe  hard  to  saye  who  shall  haue  the  better,  on  the 
morowe  thei  shall  mete  agayne  at  Snapes  moore3  therby  wheare  he  shalbe  slaine  & 
all  his  men,  and  thende  shalbe  at  4Sandisford  downe,  wheare  jer  shippes  shall  lye 
till  ye  crowes  buylde  jer  neastes  in  them.  1T  Then  shall  com  owte  of  Denmark 
a  Duke  and  he  shall  come  into  England  with  16  Lordes,  with  whose  concent  he 
shalbe  crowned  kinge  in  a  towne  of  Northumberland,  and  shall  raign  3  monethes  & 
odd  dayes.  he  shall  fight  a  battell  at  Snapes  more,3  wheare  he  shalbe  slaine,  & 
xxm  of  his  men  drowned  in  the  seye.  IF  Then  comethe  Pole  owte  of  rome  and  his 
power  shalbe  so  greate  jat  he  shall  not  cease  vntill  he  win  to  London  and  then  shall 
he  fight  so  soare  a  battell  jat  none  shall  knowe  who  shall  haue  ye  better  and  so  on 
the  morowe  bi  the  mone  light  thei  shall  come  to  London,  and  thei  shall  fight  an 
other  battell  betwin  Peter,  John,  Jamys  Gylys,  &  charynge  crosse,  then  at  that 
battell  shall  thei  wynrae  London  &  contynue  there  a  while  doinge  jer  will.  Then 
shall  a  Cardynall  yat  neuer  was  worthy  of  that  estate,  come  to  the  tower  of  London, 
and  take  one  by  the  hand,  &  saye  come  forthe  ientle  brother  &  though  the  poles 
haue  bene  so  longe  drye  in  england  jat  men  myght  wade  ouer  them  in  pynsons, 
which  nowe  ouerflowe  all  England.  5  ^f  Then  shall  come  the  frenche  kinge  at 


1  The  words  between  (  )  are  inserted  in  another  hand. 
3  "  Sande?  more  "  written  over  in  another  han<*  4  fol.  39. 


2  Sic. 

5  fol.  39,  back. 


AN    ENGLISH    PROPHECY.  C3 

wabwme  holte  (or  hoke)1  15  myles  from  norwiche,  there  shall  he  be  lett  in  bi  a  false 
mayre  and  that  shall  lie  kepe  for  his  lodging  a  while,  then  at  his  ret?/?,-ne  he  shalbe 
mett  at  a  place  callid  the  redd  bank,  ye  place  is  30  miles  from  Westchester  wheare 
at  ye  first  assaye  shalbe  slaine  ixm  welchmen,  and  ye  dowble  nombre  of  enemyes, 
then  on  ye  morowe  shall  ye  stranger  desire  a  peace  for  3  yeares  moare,  but  ye  pease 
shall  endure  no  lenger  then  ij  inaye2  dayes  when  ye  dayes  waxe  somwhat  longe, 
then  shall  mete  bothe  parties  at  Sandisforde,  and  jer  shalbe  so  mortall  a  battell 
that  xxm  enemyes  shalbe  dryven  into  the  seye  without  dent  of  swerd  H  the?i  shall 
our  noble  kinge  toward  London  ryde,  &  at  Stanesmore  jer  shall  he  mete  &  fight 
with  ye  pole  &  ye  spiritualtie  a  greate  battel,  so  yat  jer  shalbe  slaine  xxxm  prestes 
&  prestes  servauntes  which  shall  haue  shaven  crownes  as  jer  maisters,  &  made  to 
beleve  yat  thei  shall  dye  goddes  servauntes  then  shall  the  kinge  ryde  to  London  & 
23  Aldermen  shall  lease  jer  heddes  &  a  besom  3of  equitie  shall  swepe  all  thinges  cleane, 
holly  churche  shall  tremble  &  quake,  therfor  lett  them  to  jer  prajourj  take. 
IT  A  prophet  of  portyngale  say  the,  Awake  englishemen  &  guive  hede,  for  a  tyme; 
shall  come  when  a  kinge  with  a  myter  shall  raigne  oner  you  &  he  shalbe  a  wulf  of; 
ye  seye,  he  shall  holde  in  him  ye  strengthe  of  ij  bisshopp^,  &  the  shadowe  of  a  pope; 
shall  lye  in  him  by  ye  sufferaunce  of  a  Lion,  &  he  shall  take  his  iowney  north-' 
ward,  &  shall  come  againe  into  his  contrey,  &  in  the  hemrae  of  his  mantell 
shalbe  lapped  iij  thinges  hunger,  pestilence,  &  sorowe.  IT  An  heremyt  of  Fraunce 
saithe  Woo  be  to  you  englishmen,  drawe  neare,  for  it  shalbe  said  emonge  you,  wuld 
god  I  weare  for  3  monethes  a  Foxe  in  a  hole  lyenge,  a  bird  in  the  Aire  Flyenge,  or  a 
fishe  in  ye  seye  swymynge.  IT  Bede  saythe,  vnto  a  councell  in  winter  englishmen 
make  haste,  and  from  a  Feaste  in  Somer  Fie,  fle,  fle.  11  An  Abbott  of  the  land  said, 
guyve  you  hede  englishmen  when  a  pn'vie  hatred  shal  be  in  merlyn  castell4  betwin 
a  larke,  or  a  5rearemouse,  and  a  Eaven,  wfach  shalbegynrce  in  one  daye,  but  shall 
not  be  endid  in  3  yeares.  but  within  jat  yeare  shalbe  a  councell  in  winter  and  in 
somer  folowinge  shall  ye  greate  men  of  england  be  bidden  to  a  feaste,  amonge  whom 
thei  shall  saye,  woo,  woo,  woo,  what  shall  we  doo,  whither  shall  we  goo,  but  to  ye 
messenger  of  deathe.  IT  M.  shall  liaise  vpon  you  greate  tribulac^on  &  sorowe,  the 
kinge  of  ye  romans  &  grekes  shall  com  vporc  you  with  a  greate  fury,  and  E.  shall 
.rise  owte  of  his  slepe  like  a  lyve  man,  whom  all  men  thought  to  be  deade.  1T  The 
4rone  of  Constance,  &  thomas  with  his  tales  all  said,  jat  ye  saxons  shuld  chuse 
them  a  Corde  yat  shuld  brynge  the?ft  all  vnder.  A  deade  man  shuld  make  betwin 
them  a  corde,  &  jat  shuld  be  right  myche  wonder,  that  he  jat  deade  is  &  buryed  in 
sight,  shuld  rise  againe  &  live  in  lande,  thurgh  ye  comfort  of  a  yonge  knight,  jat 
fortune  hathe  chosen  to  hir  husband,  yc  wheale  shall  twrne  to  hym  'right,  yat 
fortune  hathe  chosen  to  be  hire  6feere.  1T  When  Father  blithe  the  begger  can 
saye  ij  credes,  &  hathe  libertye  to  walke  with  his  wallet,  and  mother  symkyn  of 
the  sowthe  takethe  againe  hir  beades,  then  thowe  preste  take  hede  of  thi  pallett. 

Finis. 

1  Added  by  another  hand.  2  "  Midsomer  "  is  written  over  "  maye."  3  fol.  40. 

4  "  Salisbury  castell  "  written  over  these  words.         5  fol.  40,  back.         6  fol.  41. 


JOHN    CHILDS   AND   SON,    PRINTERS. 


47 


ADDITIONS  FOR  MEDITATIONS. 

NO.  60,  ORIGINAL  SERIES. 


VARIOUS  READINGS  OF  A  MS,  IN  TRIN.  COLL.  CAMB.  B.  14.  19. 

BY   THE    REV.  J.  B.  LUMBY,  B.D.1 

Line  16.  . . .  fei  may  lere. 

„  18.  But  }?at  bat  is  proved  of  cristis  fay. 

,,  38.  bat  in  bis  cene  crist  haj)  wrou^t, 

„  40.  J?e  secounde  his  disciplis  waischyng. 

„  4:6.  To  make  redi  his  pask  a^enus  he  come. 

„  49.  ...  as  bou  herd  seie. 

„  54.  . .  .  bei  saten  him  bi. 

„  58.  So  trist  so  trewe  as  was  Joon. 

„  73.  ...  men  han  seen. 

„  74.  ...  of  Laterain 

„  75.  An  ober  manere  bou  understonde. 

„  80.  To  slepen  on  his  brest  loon  ban.  liste. 

„  86.  For  as  a  seruaunt .  . . 

„  92.  Crist  seide  bese  wordis  wib  sad  chore. 

„  95,  Forsobe  forsobe  I  wole  3011  seie. 

„  101.  For  ye  this  MS  always  spells  136. 

„  105.  Priueli  loon  to  crist  gan  seie. 

„  127.  Biholde  and  benke  ])is  in  ]?i  mynde. 

„  133.  To  an  inner  hous  gunnen  J»anne  tee. 

So  seyn  fat  ]?e  houshold  hanne  see. 

He  dide  hem  sitten  adoun  in  jjat  stide. 

„  166.  Whanne  he  waischide  . . . 

„  175.  In  stidfast  praier  . .  . 

„  178.  Into  his  blis  J>ei  wolen  j?ee  lede. 

„  180.  Hou  dereworpili  aforn  his  ende 

„  181.  om.  with. 

„  183.  atyer  in  one  word.       It  is  genitive  plural  of  all,  and 

probably  is  only  written  divisim  here  by  accident. 

„  185.  ...  he  gan  sowne. 

„  195.  In  memoraunce  . .  . 

,.  203.  . . .  more  cleer. 

1  Mr  Lumby  also  notes  that  there  is  a  prose  version  of  the  Meditations  in 
the  Bodleian  MS.  789  (new  number :  2643  in  the  ordinary  catalogue),  leaves 
1-51,  bk  ;  and  that  the  tract  "To  kunne  deie"  in  the  same  volume  is  of  worth 
for  its  dialect. 


ADDITIONS   FOR   MEDITATIONS,   NO.  60,    ORIGINAL   SERIES. 


Line  207.  From  hevene  he  list  .  . . 

214.  To  37 ve  fee  peyne  .  .  . 

216.  ...  quyk  not  deed. 

245.  J?e  fridde  he  tau^te  hem  bi  monesting 

To  kepyng  his  comaunding 

264.  J?at  schulen  .  .  . 

267.  Jjese  wordis  and  ofere  ]?at  he  hem  tolde 

kitten  her  hertis  and  waxen  coolde. 

271.  ...  wij?  naanye  si^yng. 

277.  Jns  sermoun  at  his  brest  he  souke. 

283.  For})  pel  wente  .  .  . 

286.  As  chikenes  crepten  to  ]?e  dammes  wyng 

291.  Faste  Jjei  wenten  fei  camen  anoon. 

295.  om.  yn. 

299.  Schame  .  . . 

300.  For  he  schamed  not  to  die  for  fee 
305.  He  biddij?  .  . . 

328.  . .  .  have  golden  a  stounde. 

336.  fei  han  me  prisid  my  woo  to  make. 

347.  . . .  delven  .  .  . 

356.  He  foond  hem  slepyng  and  summe  he  woke 

Her  i}en  weren  slepyng  . .  . 

362.  .  . .  and  dide  more 

372.  ...  praie  j)i  god  abone. 

406.  To  my  fadir  in  his  sete. 

414.  Al  bisprongen  .  .  . 

427.  Summe  bynden  summe  blenden  him  sum  on  him  spit 

Summe  buffetiden  him  and  summe  seyn  telle  who  j?e 

smyt 

Summe  scornen  him  sum  syngen  on  hym  a  song. 

436.  Jjerfor  J>ou  schalt  have  dej>  as  ri^t 

438.  Help  J?i  silf  if  fou  be  boun. 

441.  Summe  drugge  him  summe  drawe  him  fro  see  to  see. 

450.  pei  wepen  fei  weileii  her  wristis  J>ei  wryngen. 

464.  Be  brou3t 

473.  Thenke  man  and  rewe  of  her  sekyng 

477.  Bofe  lorels  and  ech  gadlynge. 

490.  Aswoun  sche  fel  doun  in  J?e  feeld. 

Jjanne  crist  was  torment  in  moost  care. 

502.  }?o  was  maad  frenschip  fere  firste  was  bate. 

505.  fei  crieden  on  him  as  foule  on  owle. 

516.  j?ei  beten  him  and  renten  hym  wounde  to  wounde. 

520.  Biholdif  he  ... 

522.  Til  J>ei  ben  weeri  fei  moun  no  more. 

538.  ))e  doyng  of  fe  fridde  our  now  wole  I  ryme. 

541.  ...  a  reehed  J?ei  took. 

543.  J>ei  setten  hym  openli  in  her  clepyng 


ADDITIONS   FOB  MEDITATIONS,   NO.   60,   ORIGINAL    SERIES.  49 

Line  546.  fou  modi  man  fi  sauyour  biholde 

„     548.  And  for  oo  word  fou  woldist  men  grame 

Eft  soone  to  pilat  f  ei  camen  accusyng 

And  seiden  saif  sir  Cesar  we  han  no  kyng. 

„     567.  fei  punchid  him  forf  forou  ilke  a  slow} 

„     573.  fei  hi^en  hym  lie  goif  wif  outen  striif 

„     583.  ...  folowef  a  fer. 

„     585.  A  schort  weie  sche  is  goon  to  chese. 

„     599.  For  evere  it  seme))  a^enus  his  wille. 

„     627.  To  f  e  cross  forth  fei  drowen  him  defiyng. 

„     632.  A  schortere  laddere  biforn  was  set, 

fere  as  f  e  feet  schortere  weren. 

„     637.  Wif  out  a}en  seiyng  .  .  . 

„     642.  ...  crucifieris  hem  bereijt. . 

„     648.  ...  be  merciful  .  .  . 

,,     654.  fat  oon  Jew  . .  . 

„     655.  f  e  of  ere  him  drowen  til  veynes  to  brest. 

„     663.  Eueri  ioynt  fanne  brast  atwynne. 

,,     702.  I  praie  fee  somdeel  hise  peynes  lisse. 

„     715.  ...  was  nome. 

„     728.  ...  me  takist. 

„     733.  He  taastif  sumdeel  his  f reste  to  lif  en. 

,,     737.  $it  treuli  man  firstide  on  rode. 

„     746.  .  .  .  calle  me  to  fee. 

„     760.  ...  I  take. 

„     763.  ...  centurio  gan  torne. 

„     812.  "Whiche  I  bar  wemles  of  mij  bodi. 

„     817.  .  .  .  grete  sone  .  .  . 

„     823.  To  sle  hem  and  caste  her  cors  awei 

fat  noon  schulde  se  hem  on  sabat  dai 

„     835.  .  . .  scharpli  sche  ran. 

„     856.  . .  .  f  orow  merci  .  .  . 

,,     859.  f  orou  out  his  herte  he  preent  him  wif  mood. 

„     888.  If  we  goon  hennes  f  is  bodi  worf  stole 

,,     896.  Joseph  of  Armathie  .  . . 

„     934.  ...  for  feyntise  .  .  . 

„     944.  A  grettir  pris  my^te  nevere  be  brou3te. 

„     949.  . .  .  seide  marie  .  .  . 

„     960.  Prikid,  brisid  . .  . 

„     990,  And  greifide  hem  faste  fennis  to  goon. 

„   1007.  But  I  hadde  trist  to  his  seying 

Myn  herte  schulde  aborst  at  his  diing. 

„   1015.  I  must  do  nedis  as  jrou  me  biddest. 

„  1023.  ...  now  departid. 

„  1027.  If  fou  risist  up  as  fou  me  behi^tist 

Myn  herte  schal  rise  wif  f  e  latest 

„  1030.  I  am  stoon  deed  for  oones  and  ay 


50 


ADDITIONS    FOR   MEDITATIONS.   NO.   60,   ORIGINAL   SERIES. 


Line  1032.     And  kij?e  fat  fou  art  goddis  sone. 
„     1034.     Sche  romyde 
„     1047.     Sche  sai  }?e 


1087. 
1118. 
1123. 


cros  :  Abide,  sche  seide 
.  .  .  maistras. 
...  lie  soukide  it ... 
Fro  fendis  bounde  to  make  pee  free. 


ADDITIONAL  NOTES  BY  THE  REV.  W.  W.  SKEAT,  M.A. 

Line  328.     Eead  '  a  stounde,'  two  words.    At  any  rate,  it  means  '  at 

any  time.' 

„     414.     Eead  '  be-sprunge,'  with  a  hyphen. 
„     513.     Read  '  vndyr-neme,'  with  a  hyphen. 
„     570.     Eead  '  a-sterte,'  with  a  hyphen. 
,,     577.     Dele  comma  after  'owne.' 
Lines  632,  633.     The  full  stop  should  be  at  the  end  of  1.  633,  and 

the  comma  at  the  end  of  1.  632. 

Line  918.  Observe  that  here  only  one  nail  is  used  for  fastening  the 
feet.  So  in  Piers  the  Plowman — 'nailede  hym  with  Hire 
nayles,'  C.  xxi.  51. 

In  the  Glossary,  note  the  following  corrections  : — 

Angred  means  afflicted,  not  made  sorry,  and  refers  to  the  infliction  of 
pain.  The  use  of  anger  in  the  sense  of  affliction,  pain,  is 
curious,  yet  common.  See  anger  in  Stratmann. 

Astounde,  at  any  time  (for  a  stounde),  328. 

Besprunge,  besprinkled,  414.     Wrongly  entered  as  Sprunge. 

Cleuyn,  cleave,  616.     Cleuyn  on  =  cleave  to,  cling  to. 

Fode,  a  child,  939.     Omitted. 

luwyse,  instrument  of  punishment,  577.  It  commonly  means  punish- 
ment only,  as  in  Chaucer's  Knightes  Tale. 

Knotvlechyng,  recognition,  424.  To  knowleche  is  to  recognize,  to 
acknowledge  ;  not  '  to  know.1 

Kylpe,  make  manifest,  shew,  1032.     Not  'to  know.1 

Mi/^e,  meek,  mild,  156.  See  MetJie  in  Halliwell.  (Certainly  not 
mighty.) 

Owne,  own;  not  'only.' 

Heal,  royal,  640.     So  also  in  11.  33,  34.     (The  usual  meaning.) 

Myue,  rife  (in  great  numbers,  or  else  quickly),  839. 

Seche,  to  seek,  621.     It  simply  means  to  seek,  examine. 

Soke,  sucked,  1118.     Omitted. 

Too,  654.     The  too  =  thet  oo,  the  one.     (Very  common.) 

Vndyrneme,  reprove,  513.  See  Vnderneme  in  Prompt.  Parv. ;  and 
cf.  P.  PI.  B.  v.  115. 


JOHN    CH1LD8   AND    SON,    PRINTERS. 


I  I 


MAY2-1904 


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